Chinese Ambassador Lan Lijun Statement to Senate For Aff Ctee April 29 that DFAIT had Intention to Revive the Canada-China Human Rights Dialogue

"China is willing to conduct human rights dialogues with other countries to exchange ideas, to have a better understanding and to improve where we need to improve. With Canada, we had established a human rights dialogue. We conducted human rights dialogues on several rounds, but due to reasons on Canada's part, that dialogue has been stopped. I understand the government has an intention to revive that mechanism."

http://www.parl.gc.ca/40/2/parlbus/commbus/senate/Com-e/fore-e/47176-e.htm?Language=E&Parl=40&Ses=2&comm_id=8


I believe that the concerns expressed in my 2006 report for DFAIT on the Human Rights Dialogue are still valid. It can be read here:
English: http://spartan.ac.brocku.ca/~cburton/Assessment%20of%20the%20Canada-China%20Bilateral%20Human%20Rights%20Dialogue%2019APR06.pdf
Français: http://spartan.ac.brocku.ca/~cburton/Evaluation%20du%20dialogue%20bilateral.htm

Good News About Minister Cannon's Meetings in Beijing

There is a report of an interview that Bill Schiller of the Toronto Star had with the Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs earlier today: http://www.thestar.com/printArticle/632297
I am particularly taken with this part of Bill Schiller's report:
"Cannon also revealed that Canada was looking at a 'new mechanism' to deal with concerns about human rights in China and that the Chinese were 'open' to the idea.
Canada suspended its formal human rights dialogue with China in 2006, following a report from the Canadian foreign affairs ministry saying that the discussion format and results were ineffectual. They dialogue has not been resumed since.
Cannon insisted that the Harper government would never abandon its principles on the issue of human rights.' When I talk about "frank" (discussions), I'm specifically talking about being able to say, to our partner, what we believe is important in terms of human rights,' Cannon said.
'I certainly want to be able to reassure Canadians that we have not changed our principled approach on this. That is still there. As long as Stephen Harper is Prime Minister of Canada, I can guarantee that's going to be there. It's part of our DNA," he said.'

Mr. Cannon had a 2.5 hour working lunch with the Chinese Foreign Minister and an unusual 40 minute meeting the Vice-President Xi Jinping.

I feel quite encouraged by the preliminary reports of this visit.

Theoretical Bottom Line on Human Rights Issue in China

I think more and more that all the issues are expressions of a deeper problem that the Chinese leadership and population in general does not understand much less internalize the meaning and important value of citizenship. To solve any of China's myriad human rights problems in a thoroughgoing way this has to be solved. If this is solved then all of the problems could be addressed meaningfully.

Report: 5,335 students dead/missing in China quake

facebook Charles Burton 07 May 11:59 Report: 5,335 students dead/missing in China quake Very hard to understand why Chinese Government refuses to acknowledge that there are problems in school construction due to corruption. Children are at risk in substandard school buildings built below code minimum standards with inadequately reinforced concrete, etc. http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20090507/ap_on_re_as/as_china_quake or here.

Letter from Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China to Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs

I very strongly endorse the contents of the letter sent on May 6, 2009 to Lawrence Cannon by the Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China. It can be read here.

Conditions for Canada Getting "Approved Destination Status" for Tourism from China

I have heard from many sources the view expounded by DFAIT that the the sole barrier to China extending Approved Destination Status" is Canada's inability to return Mr. Lai Changxing back to China to face charges of smuggling, bribery and tax evasion.

The larger issue though is that the reason that Mr. Lai has not been returned to China is because of the ruling by Mr. Justice Yves de Montigny that contains two main elements:
1. doubt about the Chinese Government assurance that Mr. Lai will not face the death penalty if sent back for trial. Mr. Lai's own brother has died in prison under unclear circumstances. But possibly more importantly is the issue of how a diplomatic note issued by the Government of China can anticipate the result of a judicial process in a nation where the death penalty is applicable to serious economic crimes.
2. doubt that Mr. Lai can get due process of law in China. This is why Canada and China cannot negotiate an Extradition Treaty. The rules of evidence in China do not meet international judicial standards. Due to a 1988 Supreme Court of Canada decision, Mr. Lai as a foreign national enjoys the protection of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms the same as Canadian citizens do.

So the issue is larger than simply the Lai case. If the Canadian courts agree to return Mr. Lai to China to face charges this will have significant implications for all the large number of Chinese citizens who like Mr. Lai are alleged to have committed crimes in China and who are currently in Canada as Convention refugees unable to be made accountable for what they may have done before they arrived in Canada.

The barrier to Approved Destination Status for Chinese citizens to come to Canada as tourists rests with our Refugee determination process as a whole. The Lai case is simply one expression of a larger issue in Canada-China relations.

I discuss this at further length in my long report on Canada-China relations which can be read at http://www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org/research/canadianfo/areassessm

This matter was also discussed by me and Neil Tait of the Bank of Montreal on the TV program "The Agenda with Steve Paikin" on March 19. See http://charlesburton.blogspot.com/2009/03/streaming-viideo-for-canadas.html

National Human Rights Action Plan of China (2009-2010)

The Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China issued the "National Human Rights Action Plan of China (2009-2010)" on April 13.

It can be read at http://www.china.org.cn/archive/2009-04/13/content_17595407.htm

It is a document of almost 16,000 English words in 27 separate web pages. I have combined all 27 into one to make it easier to read and print out as a complete text. The can be found here.

I expect to comment on the document on this blog some time next week.

Canada-China Relations on CTV "Question Period"

Video of my appearance on the CTV with Paul Evans of UBC on April 12: http://watch.ctv.ca/news/ctvs-question-period/april-12-2009/#clip160272

The interview of Stockwell Day by Craig Oliver done the day before can be found at: http://watch.ctv.ca/news/latest/day-in-china#clip160270

A report in the Globe and Mail challenging an aspect of the above interview that quotes my views: http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20090413.wchina13/BNStory/National/
or here
Highly favourable Chinese commentary about this Globe and Mail report: http://gb.cri.cn/27824/2009/04/16/2685s2486369.htm

A news report about my appearance on CTV "Question Period" today (Sunday) can be found at:
http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20090412/qp_day_090412/20090412?hub=QPeriod or here

David Mulroney - Biographical notes

DAVID MULRONEY

Date of Birth:
November 1954

Education:
B.A., English, University of Toronto

Professional Experience

Since February 2007
Associate Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs

2006 - 2007
Foreign and Defence Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister in the Privy Council Office

2005 - 2006
Assistant Deputy Minister, Bilateral Relations, Foreign Affairs Canada

2001 - 2005
Assistant Deputy Minister, Asia-Pacific, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1998 - 2001
Executive Director, Canadian Trade Office in Taipei, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1995 -1998
Executive Director, Canada-China Business Council

1992 - 1995
Commercial Counsellor, Canadian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1990 - 1992
Executive Assistant, Deputy Minister for International Trade, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1988 - 1990
Deputy Director, East Asia Trade Division, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1985 - 1988
Consul, Canadian Consulate General in Shanghai, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1982 - 1985
Trade Commissioner, Canadian Embassy in Korea, Foreign Affairs and International Trade

1981 - 1982
Assistant Trade Commissioner, St-John’s Regional Office, Industry Trade and Commerce

Response to E-mail from a Friend Who Returned to China after an Absence of 26 years

I think that one thing that has not changed in China is the Stalinist-style security apparatus. What has changed is that the "soft power" capacity of the Chinese Communist Party to "win hearts and minds" has weakened substantially.

Additional sentences quoting my views at end of on-line version of Globe and Mail report about Stockwell Day's upcoming trip to China not printed

I am quoted in Campbell Clark's report: "Hawkish Trade Minister's Beijing trip signals policy shift" published on page A4 of the Globe and Mail on April 8. That report can be read here.
These two additional sentences are at the end of on-line version:
China would also like Mr. Day to make a clear statement that Canada supports a “One China” policy, and therefore holds no sympathy for the nationalist aspirations of Tibet or Taiwan. But Mr. Burton said that's unnecessary, and could be seen as tacit acceptance of repression.“If he resumes the policies of quiet diplomacy and makes a statement on One China, one will know that he's decided to go over to the policies of the Liberal government,” Mr. Burton said.
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20090408.wPOLday08/BNStory/politics/

China Background of Nadir Patel, Canada's New Consul-General in Shanghai

Nadir Patel (BA, Wilfrid Laurier University, 1993; MBA, New York University Stern School of Business, London School of Economics and Political Science, HEC Paris School of Management, 2009) began his career in 1990 at Revenue Canada Customs, Excise and Taxation, serving in progressively more senior positions in the department’s offices in Kitchener-Waterloo, Ottawa and Montreal until 1996. From 1997 to 2003, he served in the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency as departmental assistant to the minister; director of ministerial services; agency adviser to the minister; and secretary to the Board of Management. In 2003, he transferred to the Privy Council Office, serving as chief of staff to the national security advisor to the prime minister, associate secretary to the cabinet, and deputy minister to the deputy prime minister. From 2005 to 2006, he served as senior policy adviser to the clerk of the Privy Council and secretary to the Cabinet. In 2006, he was appointed by the minister of international trade and the minister of transport to his current position as Canada’s chief air negotiator. Mr. Patel succeeds Susan Gregson.

Commons Question Period on China April 3

Mr. Don Davies (Vancouver Kingsway, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, the previous government consistently failed to raise human rights with China and placed almost exclusive priority on trade issues. The current government got off on the wrong foot by failing to establish a respectful and positive relationship with that important nation. Indeed, the Prime Minister has yet either to visit China or to invite President Hu to Canada.

We heard that the Minister of International Trade is set to travel to China imminently. Will he commit to raise the issue of respect for human rights in China, and work to establish a productive but principled relationship with that important country?

Mr. Gerald Keddy (Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Trade, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, we always have a respectful relationship with our trading partners. It is also important to mention that we are in the process of opening six new trade offices in China, in six Chinese provinces, and expanded resources in other cities.

The hon. member would like to distort the facts. He would like to say that our international companies and corporations do not respect human rights or the environment. Nothing is further from the truth.

We also recognize that China is our third largest trading partner. We absolutely plan to continue to work in a respectful manner with it.


http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=40&Ses=2&DocId=3804969#Int-2698439

Message from a Friend in Ottawa on How He Learnt that My Report on Canada-China "Must Be Good"

"I am just sending you a brief congratulatory note on your CIC report on Canada-China relations. I think this is by far the most principled statement on Canada-China relations that I have seen so far. They criticized it so much at DFAIT yesterday that I knew it must be good. I subsequently read it for myself. You have done the right thing."

Translation of a Mainland Chinese Commentary on My Report and My Response to It

Canadian Think Tank Recommends that the Government Readjust Its China Strategy
(literal translation by Charles Burton of 加拿大智库：建议政府重新调整对华战略 which can be found at:
http://www.dwnews.com/gb/MainNews/Opinion/2009_3_20_4_7_51_919.html
or http://tinyurl.com/CIC-Report and many other sites on the Internet in China)

by Yan Hong (Vancouver)
Responding to the stalemate in Canada-China relations of the past few years, the long established Canadian foreign policy think tank, the International Council, founded in in 1928, recently produced a report on China policy. It was written by an expert in the think tank, Charles Burton. It is entitled "Reassessment of Canada's Interests in China and Renewal of Canada's China Policy Options." This report is divided into the following sections: Introduction; Trade and Investment; Immigration and Consular Affairs; Development and Human Rights; Political and Economic Relations; Taiwan, Tibet, Uyghur, Mongolian Issues and Falun Gong Issues; Public Diplomacy; Conclusion. The main points of the report are as follows:
1. The report points out that Canada is currently losing market share in China. It proposes that the Government of Canada clearly articulate a strategy to improve and promote access to the Chinese market by Canadian enterprises. This strategy should put emphasis on the distinctive characteristics of the Chinese market and business culture as well as the comparative advantages that Canada has over other competitors in the Chinese market. Moreover there should be very good coordination between the activities of the various Canadian trade institutions and organizations in China.
2. The report emphasizes that foreign policy toward China needs to move from aid diplomacy to human rights diplomacy. Development projects in the areas of good governance, democratic development and human rights should be engaged in through the Canadian Democracy Foundation. It recommends gradually phasing out the Canadian International Development Agency's Programs in China. Because the previous Canada-China Bilateral Dialogue was not effective, the Government of Canada should put its efforts into encouraging China to abide by the United Nations' Human Rights Covenants.
3. The report puts forth that Canada's China policy-making institutions such as the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Security Intelligence Service and the Department of National Defence lack "China specialists." It recommends that fluency in Chinese should be the prerequisite for recruitment of civil servants into the various Canadian Government institutions that formulate China policy. This should be measured by a formal language examination. The report recommends reducing the numbers of locally engaged staff working in Canadian consular offices in China. They should be replaced by staff sent out from Canada who have strong Chinese language skills and strong understanding of how Chinese politics functions.
4. The report asserts that it is not enough that the Government of Canada's level of contact with China is limited to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Offices. It should move beyond the sphere of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the various levels of foreign affairs offices to engage Chinese Communist Party Chinese Government policy-making institutions and establish direct contacts with these. The logic behind this is that these organizations have real policy-making functions. The policies that they formulate will impact on Canada's interests in China. The report acknowledges that Canada-China economic relations are asymmetrical. Because Canada lacks importance in China it is difficult to set up a strategic partnership relationship at the Deputy-Minister level. So the report suggests that Canada settle for establishing a mechanism for dialogue with Chinese ministries at rank of director-general and assistant deputy-minister.

To assess this highly strategic report by a Canadian think tank whose mandate is to inform policy formulation, people at different levels will likely have different interpretations of what it says. But one thing can be affirmed, this report will most likely make an impact on the Government of Canada's China policy. Although the Canadian International Council notes that the report does not represent the views of the think tank, according to Professor Burton, the author of the report, the report reflects the perspective of many Canadian scholars and senior officials. In addition, the Canadian International Council has gone to some lengths to promote this report. It is fair to say that this report represents the position and tendencies of the Canadian mainstream élite. So it is worthy of being taken seriously.

Professor Burton is a scholar diplomat who is a braintruster for both the academy and for government. He was a student at China's Fudan University and has served as Counsellor at the Canadian Embassy to China. He is presently a professor of Comparative Politics in the Political Science Department at Brock University. He has studied the politics of China over a long period and has been contracted to write many reports about Chinese affairs for Canada Immigration, the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Security Intelligence Service. So his views are not only representative but also authoritative.

Looking at the fundamental tone of the report overall, Professor Burton primarily analyzes Canada-China relations from the perspective of political science. His stance and views and analytical approach are more or less within Canada's traditional framework. But he has a sharp scholarly logical ability and extensive experience and knowledge of Canada-China relations. The viewpoint and strategic recommendations put forth by Professor Burton in his analysis has value for the Government of Canada. There are two points to make about this:
The first is that the the report engenders a sense of crisis. This is that Canada is losing the Chinese market by losing the its competitiveness in the Chinese market. This is an outstanding reality in current Canada-China relations. According to statistics given in the report in 2006, Chinese exports to Canada amounted to $34.5 Canadian dollars while Canadian exports to China amounted to $7.7 billion Canadian dollars. Canada has a trade deficit of $26.8 billion Canadian dollars.. The report indicates that while other G-8 countries have government trade agencies that are very active in China and which have strong coordination between them, the Government of Canada trade agencies in China lack a coordinated approach and the institutions have overlapping reduplicated mandates. The federal government and local governments don't work together. Canadian trade officials are relatively ineffective because they lack knowledge of the unique characteristics of the Chinese market and they lack knowledge of the Chinese business culture. Canadian businessmen in China often are not able to get active support from Canadian Government agencies in China. The report recommends that the Government of Canada change this state of affairs. It urges that the Federal Government and local governments, the western Canadian provinces and the eastern provinces all improve the coordination of their efforts, and become more familiar with the workings of the Chinese market and the unique characteristics of China's business culture. In this way they can create the conditions for Canadian enterprises to expand their share of the Chinese market.
The second is that in the report's section on Public Diplomacy there are some views expressed that are very insightful. Compared to the United States and the European Union, Canada lacks brand identification in China. Italy has Verdi, England has Jane Austen, Germany has Beethoven, the United States has Hollywood. They are able to have huge international cultural influence in China. But what does Canada have? One thing is Norman Bethune, another thing is Dashan. But their influence is limited. They cannot represent the brand of Canada's' international culture. On the contrary, Canada has damaged its reputation in China by offering sanctuary to Lai Changxing and other Chinese law breakers. In addition, Canada mainly relies on diplomats to promote Canadian cultural products. This is not an effective way to go about it. There is no Canadian TV series that has achieved any renown in China. Canadian Studies in China is of rather a low quality. The scholars involved in it are academic "second stringers," unlike the "first stringers" who yearn to apply to the Ford Foundation or apply to the programs of other important nations. Because of this, the report recommends that non-governmental agencies promote cultural exchange between the peoples of Canada and China. On this point Canada should learn from China. China already established five Confucius Institutes. But Canada has taken no comparable measures.
Nevertheless even though this report has points of brilliance, it also has some shortcomings. This is primarily due to a lack of understanding of China and a lack of confidence in people of the Chinese race (华人). First of all, the report ascribes the reasons for Canada losing market in China primarily to policies of the Government of China.. For example to manipulation of the Renminbi Yuan currency, hidden subsidies by the Government to state owned enterprises, weak protection of copyrights, unfair treatment of Canadian enterprises in China, etc. This is not fair. In fact, the degree of openness of the Chinese market is the highest of all the countries in the world. There is considerable preferential treatment for foreign enterprises extended. A large portion of China's share of its own market has been eroded by foreign invested enterprises.
Of course, there is fierce competition in the Chinese market. Anyone who wants to share a piece of that cake has to be fearless in battle like the character Shi Xiu in The Water Margin. But the Canadians just talk a lot and wait for someone to hand it to them on a platter. If Canada had the competitive spirit of the South Koreans, the state of affairs would be a lot different. Canada has a certain attitude of pompous self-importance and sees itself as even more "awesome" then the United States. So Canada undertakes a mission to raise up the banner of of promoting Western values. "Democracy, liberty and freedom" are universal values that definitely need to be advocated. But they should not become bats to beat people with at will. China has achieved enormous accomplishments in its development in recent years. The peoples lives have improved very substantially. International society cannot but see this reality. Even Hilary Clinton when she went to China was very careful in broaching matters that touched on these sorts of sensitive issues. She to the extent possible respected the feelings of her hosts. What is astonishing is that on the one hand Prime Minister Harper refused to attend the Olympic Games and regrettably missed an excellent opportunity to improve Canada-China relations, and on the other hand under his breath quietly implores that China set up a mechanism for a strategic partnership dialogue at the level of deputy-minister. This kind of logic is hard to follow.
Secondly, some of the assertions in the report appear to suggest a lack of trust in people of the Chinese race (华人). For example, the report indicates that the Chinese language facility of the diplomats at the Embassy of Canada to China is low. So they have difficulty in connecting with Chinese people. For this reason the Embassy must engage Chinese citizens locally to work at the Embassy. But because these Chinese people must bear loyalty to their nationality they are very likely to "reveal secrets" to the Government of China and thereby act as "spies." This is perhaps a little too obvious. But there is no evidence for it and it ignores the existence of people in the world who have professional ethics and moral integrity. The report recommends that they be replaced by sending more personnel who have Chinese language skills and other relevant specialized expertise from Canada. People cannot help but ask, so many people immigrate to Canada from China, why can't some of these Chinese people with fluent Chinese and relevant expertise be selected to be sent to work in Canada's representative offices in China? Chinese is their mother tongue after all! The report acknowledges that Chinese is Canada's third major language. Canada advocates human rights and multiculturalism. So why does the report not breathe a single word about people of the Chinese race (华人) becoming involved in government. Why is no suggestion along these lines made. This report has reservations about Canada's people of the Chinese race (华人). It it not about doubts their language ability and technical knowledge. It is about doubts about their degree of loyalty. This is regrettable.

Finally the report indicates that Canada needs to expand the sphere of its China engagement beyond the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Offices. That Canada should have more contact with institutions in the Party and Government who actually have "policy-making power." In this way Canada could seek to better defend Canadian interests. From the Canadian point of view this is appears to be valid, but the report also calls for gradually phasing out the development program of the Canadian International Development Agency in China. This is worthy of discussion. The Canadian International Development Agency has been operating in China for 25 years. It has had a positive impact on China's development. It is an important cord binding together the fragile Canada-China relationship. If Canada is not prepared even to expend this small amount of money, then how can they prattle about promoting a strategy for promoting Canada's commercial interests in China.

On the whole this report systematically and in depth expresses the the sense of urgency that Canadian scholars feel about i,proving Canada-China relations. It demonstrates Canadians' "sincerity." But in comparison to Europe and the United States, this report has hard edges. It is aesthetically insufficiently "delicate." It is grating on the outside and and lacking consistency on the inside. What would happen if the Government of Canada fully adopted the strategy of this report to address current Canada-China relations is readily imagined. In fact Canada-China relations would not improve. Nor would the relationship get any worse.

March 19, 2009


Some comments by me:
1. I am very happy and grateful that my report is gaining so much attention and consideration in China.
2. My experience is that when a commentator accuses me of "lacking understanding of China" it is a sign that the Chinese writer has no reasoned argument to respond to what I have said.
3. I hold that the primary reason for Canada's declining position in the China market is due to Canadian factors. No reason why we could not be doing better than the Australians as Canada is a bigger and more populous country slightly closer to China geographically and with much the same demographic and economic characteristics as Australia. Australia's trade deficit with China is 1.2:1, Canada's is 4:1.
4. I have close friendships with Chinese nationals working at the Canadian Embassy in Beijing. I do suggest that we bring more people of Chinese origin into our Foreign Ministry, but I did not mention that we cannot bring in anyone with close family in China due to Canadian security laws that would not allow such people to qualify for security clearance: "family or other close ties to persons living in oppressive or hostile countries" making risk of "acting or being induced to act in a way that constitutes a threat to the security of Canada" by "disclosing or causing to be disclosed in an unauthorized way, classified information." Simply having become a Canadian citizen is not considered sufficient condition for high-level security clearance, sorry to say. So we need to recruit more from Canadians with Taiwan and other non-PRC origins.
5. I do not propose reducing the funding that the Government of Canada allocates for good governance, democratic development and human rights as well as environmental sustainability initiatives in China. I propose that this work cease to be on a government-to-government basis. Britain's Department of International Development has indicated that its programming will cease in China in 2011. Japan cut foreign aid to China in 2005.
6. I am surprised that my argument against Canada adopting a "One China" policy relating to Tibet, Uyghur, Mongolia and Taiwan issues has not been taken up in the Canadian or the Chinese press. I see this as a central content of my report.

Streaming Video of My Short Clip About "Belonging" for TVO "The Agenda" Week of March 22

Streaming Video for "Canada's Relationship with China" Episode of "The Agenda with Steve Paikin" Broadcast March 19

Link for Your Agenda: Canada-China relations (Thurs, March 19)

http://www.tvo.org/cfmx/tvoorg/theagenda/index.cfm?page_id=401&action=viewthread&forum_Thread_id=7864&forum_id=43

I will be a panelist on the TVO program "The Agenda with Steve Paikin" on Thursday starting at 8:00pm. Questions for the panel can be submitted to theagenda@tvo.org or twitter.com/theagenda

The video will be archived for viewing at www.tvo.org/TVO/WebObjects/TVO.woa?video?TAWSP_Dbt_20090313_779453_0

Two More Articles on Canada-Relations

Bill Schiller published an analysis piece in the Toronto Star this morning making reference to my recent report and quoting an interview with entitled "Why is Ottawa still bungling the China file?"

http://www.thestar.com/News/World/article/598211

The Chinese Communist Party line on Canada-China relations is given in the Beijing Review this week in Fred Edwards "Canadian Cold Front"
http://www.bjreview.com.cn/world/txt/2009-03/07/content_183202.htm

Slow Boat to Nowhere?

The Toronto Star published my opinion piece on Canada-China relations this morning (http://www.thestar.com/article/597365) under the title: "Sino-Canadian relations on slow boat to nowhere." I am not sure that I entirely agree with the title of the piece (added by the editor). My view is that the boat is indeed too slow but "nowhere" strikes me as something of an overstatement.

I am grateful to the Toronto Star for giving me the chance to present my views to a large readership in Canada's highest circulation newspaper.

Trade Minister Stockwell Day's Comments on My Report

On reflection I feel badly that DFAIT briefed Stockwell Day in a way that gave him a misimpression of the Chinese language abilities of our diplomats in Beijing. There is some degree of linguistic fraud being perpetuated here. I would really urge that DFAIT use the standardized test the "Chinese Proficiency Test" to measure Chinese language competence in future. China would not send diplomats to Canada unable to read English or French.

Fragment of E-mail to a Friend about My Report on Canada-China Relations

My report was finally released last week. It got media spin in the Globe and Mail as being mainly about spying. The other media interviews I have been doing on CBC TV and various radio all follow this line even though I ardently try and steer it toward the actual content of the report (response by interviewers who have a script of questions prepared by a producer being along the lines of "Yes, and going back to the security aspect . . ."). I am a bit despairing about it. Anyway on the upside in less than a week over 700 copies have been downloaded. I wonder who those 700 people are? I have been getting a lot of supportive e-mails from friends in DFAIT, CIDA and other people in Ottawa and China. No negative feedback received to date.

My Report on Canada-China Relations In the Eye of the Beholder

Click here for Colin Freeze's article published on page A3 of the Globe and Mail this morning entitled "Canada called on to increase spying on China: diplomats poor at interpreting country for Ottawa, report says, suggesting intelligence agencies step up" which is about my recently released report A Reassessment of Canada's Interests in China. Click here for comments on this Globe and Mail report.

Personally I would not characterize my report as: "much of the study's focus is on China's unconstrained spying and Canada's relative naiveté." But different readers focus on different aspects of the document. The subheadings of my report include the following:
Trade and Investment
Immigration and Consular Matters
Development and Human Rights
Political and Economic Relations
Taiwan, Tibet, Uyghur, Mongolian Issues and Falungong Issues
Public Diplomacy

My hope is that people will read the full report (or at least the "Executive Summary," but reading the whole thing would be best).

Press Release for "A Reassessment of Canada’s Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada’s China Policy"

http://www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org/download/aboutus/media/pressrelea/090224burt

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Canada’s approach to China is woefully inadequate

Canadian diplomats not prepared for service in China, lacking basic language skills

TORONTO, ON – February 24, 2009 – Canada’s foreign policy toward China has been falling short of expectations for more than a decade and across a wide range of criteria, states a new paper released today by the Canadian International Council (CIC).

A Reassessment of Canada’s Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada’s China Policy, written by Charles Burton, examines Canada’s existing China programming and concludes that it has become less relevant to Chinese conditions and less effective in fulfilling Canada’s interest in China.

Dr. Burton, a CIC research associate and Brock University political scientist who has been seconded to work at Canada’s Embassy in Beijing on two separate occasions, argues that Canada’s prosperity in the global trading environment is at risk if it doesn’t improve its engagement with China, its second largest trading partner, and a country that increasingly plays a more prominent role in the international arena.

Dr. Burton recommends the Government of Canada diversify its engagement with China and directly engage policymakers in the Chinese Government and Communist Party whose decisions have implications for Canada’s interests, rather than focusing their efforts on institutions and channels that are not influential.

“China requires a comprehensive engagement strategy,” says Dr. Burton. “The focus of our engagement should extend beyond formal relationships with the Chinese government through conventional diplomatic channels. It is central to Canada’s interests to energetically and proactively engage China at the central, provincial and local levels.”

Effective and comprehensive engagement strategy in China is vital to Canada’s prosperity, but smarter engagement with China demands a Canadian foreign affairs establishment having the requisite language and cultural skills and creativity in policy implementation.

“Nearly all Canadian diplomats posted in China lack any serious Chinese language skills. For example, most cannot read the local daily newspaper or understand the nightly news on television. Also, the current rotation system of diplomatic postings results in personnel spending only three years in China before being transferred elsewhere,” points out Dr. Burton.“ These circumstances seriously inhibit trade promotion at the time when Canada continues to lose market share in China.”

Canada’s policy towards China is in fact so out of date that it is now of little interest to the Chinese, Dr. Burton added. In his recommendations, Dr. Burton outlines several strategies: engagement with a wider variety of actors in official China that includes the Communist Party, developing a program of incentives for civil servants with Chinese language skills to encourage them to focus their careers on China-related work, clearly articulating Canada’s strategy for improving and promoting access to the Chinese market for Canadian business, as well as facing China with maturity, enthusiasm, energy and creativity.

Dr. Charles Burton is one of four respected academics chosen earlier this year by the CIC to contribute new perspectives in vital areas of Canadian foreign policy leading to further discussion and debate.

For more information about this paper or the CIC Fellows, please visit: www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org

MEDIA CONTACT:

Neve Peric
Director of Media Relations
Tel: (519) 885-2444, ext. 390
Mobile: (519) 590-2626
nperic@canadianinternationalcouncil.org

The Canadian International Council (CIC) is a non-partisan, nationwide council established to strengthen Canada’s role in international affairs. With 13 branches nationwide, part of the CIIA national branch network, CIC seeks to advance research, discussion and debate on international issues by supporting a Canadian foreign policy network that crosses academic disciplines, policy areas, and economic sectors. The CIC features a privately funded fellowship program, supported by a network of issue-specific working groups. Carefully selected CIC fellows focus on important foreign policy issues, working out of universities and research institutions across the country. The CIC was founded in 2007 by Jim Balsillie, co-CEO of RIM (Research In Motion).

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http://www.marketwire.com/press-release/Le-Conseil-International-Du-Canada-953759.html

Le Conseil international du Canada

Feb 24, 2009 13:22 ET

L'approche du Canada à l'égard de la Chine est franchement inadéquate

Les diplomates canadiens sont mal préparés à travailler en Chine et maîtrisent insuffisamment la langue du pays

TORONTO, ONTARIO--(Marketwire - 24 fév. 2009) - Depuis plus d'une décennie, la politique étrangère du Canada à l'égard de la Chine a cessé de répondre aux attentes établies selon de nombreux critères, soutient une étude publiée aujourd'hui par le Conseil international du Canada (CIC).

Dans cette étude intitulée A Reassessment of Canada's Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada's China Policy, Charles Burton examine notre stratégie actuelle à l'endroit de la Chine et juge qu'elle est moins adaptée que jamais à la conjoncture chinoise et à la défense des intérêts canadiens dans ce pays.

Associé de recherche du CIC et politologue à l'Université Brock, Charles Burton a été détaché à deux reprises auprès de l'ambassade du Canada à Pékin. Selon lui, la prospérité de notre pays dans l'environnement commercial mondial sera menacée tant que nous ne raffermirons pas nos liens avec la Chine, deuxième partenaire commercial du Canada et pays de plus en plus dominant sur l'échiquier international.

Plutôt que de centrer nos efforts sur les institutions et réseaux de moindre influence, M. Burton recommande au gouvernement canadien de diversifier ses engagements avec la Chine et de nouer des liens directs avec les stratèges du gouvernement et du Parti communiste chinois qui exercent une réelle influence sur les dossiers liés aux intérêts canadiens.

"Nous devons adopter face à la Chine une stratégie d'engagement globale qui déborde le cadre des relations officielles entretenues dans les réseaux diplomatiques traditionnels, précise-t-il. Il est d'une importance capitale pour nos intérêts de cultiver des liens fructueux et dynamiques avec les autorités centrales, provinciales et locales de la Chine."

Pour appliquer intelligemment cette stratégie globale indispensable à notre prospérité, le personnel canadien des affaires étrangères doit posséder les aptitudes linguistiques et culturelles nécessaires à sa mise en oeuvre créative.

"Très peu de diplomates canadiens affectés en Chine ont une connaissance suffisante de la langue chinoise, déplore le professeur Burton. Par exemple, la plupart ne peuvent lire les quotidiens locaux ni comprendre les informations télévisées. De plus, notre système de rotation des affectations diplomatiques prévoit le transfert de nos effectifs après seulement trois années de présence en Chine. Ce qui restreint énormément nos efforts de promotion commerciale, alors même que le Canada perd chaque jour des parts du marché chinois."

En fait, la politique canadienne est si obsolète qu'elle suscite aujourd'hui très peu d'intérêt chez les Chinois, observe M. Burton. Parmi ses recommandations, il propos notamment l'adoption des mesures suivantes : élargissement de l'engagement canadien à un vaste éventail de décideurs chinois, y compris au sein du Parti communiste ; élaboration d'un programme d'incitations destiné aux fonctionnaires canadiens qui maîtrisent la langue chinoise afin de les encourager à centrer leur carrière sur les dossiers relatifs à la Chine ; énonciation claire d'une stratégie favorisant l'accès des entreprises canadiennes au marché chinois ; et adoption à l'égard de la Chine d'une approche réfléchie, enthousiaste, dynamique et créative.

Charles Burton est l'un des quatre universitaires de premier plan à qui le CIC a proposé en 2008 de définir de nouvelles perspectives dans les domaines clés de la politique étrangère du Canada en vue d'enrichir le débat public.

Pour de plus amples renseignements sur cette étude et les associés de recherche du CIC, prière de visiter le www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org.

Le Conseil international du Canada (CIC) est un organisme national non partisan créé en vue de renforcer le rôle du Canada dans les affaires internationales. Totalisant au pays 13 sections intégrées au réseau national de l'ICAI, le CIC vise à favoriser la recherche, le dialogue et le débat sur les grands enjeux mondiaux en appuyant un réseau d'étude de la politique étrangère canadienne qui traverse les disciplines, orientations politiques et secteurs économiques. Le CIC a créé un programme de bourses de recherche financé par le secteur privé et soutenu par un réseau de groupes de travail spécialisés. Rigoureusement sélectionnés, ses membres se consacrent à d'importantes questions de politique étrangère en lien avec des universités et des établissements de recherche de tout le pays. Le CIC a été fondé en 2007 par Jim Balsillie, coprésident et chef de la direction de RIM (Research In Motion).

For more information, please contact

RENSEIGNEMENTS :
Le Conseil international du Canada (CIC)
Neve Peric, Relations avec les médias
(519) 885-2444, poste 390
Courriel : nperic@canadianinternationalcouncil.org
Site Web : www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org

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A Reassessment of Canada’s Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada’s China Policy

http://www.canadianinternationalcouncil.org/research/canadianfo/areassessm

Download Charles Burton's A Reassessment of Canada’s Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada’s China Policy


Executive Summary

• Because Canada is continuing to lose market share in China, the Government of Canada should clearly articulate its strategy for improving and promoting access to the Chinese market for Canadian business. This strategy should be focused on the distinctive characteristics of the Chinese market and business culture, and Canada’s comparative advantage in that market vis-à-vis our competitors. Trade officials should be deployed with much better pro-active coordination between the Federal Trade Commissioners Service, provincial government trade promotions agencies, the Export Development Corporation and the Canada-China Business Council.
• The Government of Canada should phase out the CIDA program in China. Instead, Canada should engage in good governance, democratic development and human rights programming in China through the arms-length Canada Foundation for Democracy proposed by the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee. Stakeholder groups in Canada based on ethnic ties to China or with mandates to promote human rights in China should be better deployed to collaborate with Government to achieve the aims of the Canada Foundation for Democracy in its China programming. In addition, the Canadian Government and private sector should jointly engage in environmental sustainability programming though the Trade Section of the Canadian Embassy to China.
• The Government should reform its human resources procedures to ensure assignment of personnel with the requisite qualifications to undertake China-related positions. The effectiveness of the divisions of DFAIT, CSIS and DND responsible for Canada’s relations with China is severely inhibited due to allocation of personnel without China-specific expertise to positions that demand this expertise. This demands requiring that civil servants assigned to certain China-related positions demonstrate appropriate Chinese language skills as measured by standardized Chinese language testing as a prerequisite to deployment. Personnel who have acquired Chinaspecific expertise should be significantly rewarded through an incentives scheme designed to encourage Canadian civil servants to undertake careers with a sustained China focus.
• The Government of Canada should diversify its engagement of China. Canada should be directly engaging policymakers in the Chinese Government and Communist Party whose decisions have implications for Canada’s interests in China on an ongoing basis. The current focus on the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation offices of Chinese line ministries should be expanded to a more comprehensive engagement of policymaking and decision making agencies in the Chinese system.
• Reporting on China by DFAIT and the Intelligence Assessment Staff of the Privy Council Office as well as the Communications Security Establishment Canada and the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service should be refocused away from general assessments of Chinese affairs and should instead focus reporting on practical matters directly related to Canada’s interests. The relevance to Canada and quality of these reports should be subject to periodic external review to ensure that they are fulfilling the strategic mandate of these agencies.
• The Government of Canada should pursue engagement of Chinese ministries on an ongoing basis at Director-General to Director-General and Assistant Deputy Minister to Assistant Deputy Minister level. “Strategic Partnership” at the Deputy-Minister level is not feasible due to economic asymmetry between Canada and China. Due to power asymmetry between Canada and China, high-level Canadian Government engagement of the Government of China on political and social issues through “quiet diplomacy” such as the Canada-China Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue has not proven effective. While it is certainly in the Canadian interest to raise human rights concerns in all Canadian Government interactions with Chinese leaders, more focused and targeted programming to encourage enhanced Chinese compliance with its commitments to the UN Human Rights Covenants should replace the previous moribund Human Rights Dialogue approach.
• The Government of Canada should strengthen the China-specific expertise of CSIS counter-espionage officers. Canada should also be more proactive in responding to Canadians of Chinese origin, and to Chinese nationals A Reassessment of Canada’s Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada’s China Policy temporarily resident in Canada, including ethnic Tibetans, Uyghurs and Mongolians who complain of harassment and intimidation by Chinese security agents and Chinese diplomats in Canada.
• The Government of Canada should solicit Tibetan, Uyghur and Mongolian diaspora communities’ views, as well the views of their co-nationals still living in China, on the design and implications of Canadian Government supported programming in their native lands. This consultation will better ensure that the Government is fully attuned to ethnic sensitivities in its China-focused programming. Such consultation would not imply that the Government of Canada endorses Tibetan, Uyghur and Mongolian independentist claims to rightful sovereignty over these territories, nor that the Canadian Government intends to challenge the legitimacy of Chinese rule in these areas.
• The proportion of Chinese citizens working as support staff in the Consular sections of the Canadian Embassy and Consulates in China should be reduced. There should be corresponding augmentation of numbers of Canadabased staff with Chinese language skills and knowledge of Chinese police, prison, security agencies and the related Chinese Communist Party institutions.

Link to NGO Coalition Letter to Prime Minister Harper about Guantanamo Uyghurs and Huseyin Celil

http://web.ncf.ca/aq159/NGO%20Coalition%20Letter%20on%20Uyghurs%20and%20H%20Celil.pdf

For a report that indicates that the Chinese Government does not want Canada to accept any of the Uyghurs currently in prison at Guantanamo click here.

Comments on China's National Report Submitted to the UN Human Rights Council on 10 November 2008

To my knowledge this report it not available on the UN Human Rights Council yet. That will be the authoritative version. But in the meantime a draft can be found here:

http://web.ncf.ca/aq159/ChinaNatRptENG10NOV08.pdf
Other relevant documents here: http://www.upr-info.org/Documents-for-the-review,459.html

Charles Burton

Comments on China's National Report Submitted to the UN Human Rights Council on 10 November 2008

This document is complicated to interpret. Many parts of it could lead readers lacking specialized expertise in the political and social realities of China today to draw conclusions with regard to the state of China's compliance with the 25 international human rights conventions to which China is party that are inaccurate.

The weakest parts of the Report are those touching on matters relating to freedom of expression, right to political participation and freedom of association. But some parts of the Report evidently do provide insight into China's shortcomings in realization of economic, social and cultural rights and the measures the Government of China is considering implementing to address these.

Paragraph 6 contains the standard defensive disclaimer for China's serious shortcomings in its human rights record: "Given differences in political systems, levels of development and historical and cultural backgrounds, it is natural for countries to have different views on the question of human rights. It is therefore important that countries engage in dialogue and cooperation based on equality and mutual respect in their common endeavour to promote and protect human rights."

But Paragraph 7 sets out a more proactive statement of positive political political intent: "Governments at all levels are now conscientiously implementing the Scientific Outlook on Development, an approach that places people first and seeks to ensure comprehensive, coordinated and sustainable development, in an effort to build a harmonious society characterized by democracy, the role of law, equity and justice."

Paragraph 9 notes that "The Constitution of the People's Republic of China expressly stipulates that 'the State respects and safeguards human rights'. Chapter II of the Constitution sets out in detail the fundamental rights and duties of citizens, including civil and political rights, such as the right to vote and to stand for election, freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration, of religious belief, of correspondence and of the person; and economic, social and cultural rights, such as the right to work, to rest, to education, to social security and to engage in academic and creative pursuits. The Constitution also has specific provisions on the protection of the rights of women, the elderly, minors, persons with disabilities and ethnic minorities."

But in China the primary political issue is the lack of political will to actually implement these provisions of China's national Constitution.

Paragraph 13 includes an utterly specious claim that "Every citizen who has reached the age of 18 has the right to vote and stand for election. Elections are competitive, with direct elections at the county and township levels. For several years the voter participation rate throughout the country has been above 90 per cent." No reference is made to the desirability for genuine electoral democracy in China or of any intention to move toward it.

Paragraph 15 also includes content that is patently at odds with reality in China today: "China adheres to the principle that all ethnic groups are equal and implements a system of regional ethnic autonomy in areas with high concentrations of ethnic minorities. Organs of self-government are established in these autonomous areas to ensure the exercise of autonomous rights, including the right to enact legislation and the right of ethnic groups to independently administer their affairs in such areas as the economy, education, science, culture and health." Key issues here are serious shortcomings in provision of native-language education and suppression transmission of history that is at odds with mainstream Han interpretations. Cultural and religious freedom is also a major issue in most non-Han areas of China.

With regard to labour rights, paragraph 24 notes: "A system of labour standards covering working hours, rest, leave, remuneration, prohibition of child labour, and vocational safety and health is taking shape." But then in paragraph 27 there is a patently deceptive claim that "Employees have the collective right to conclude labour contracts with employers covering remuneration, working hours, rest, leave, labour safety, health, and insurance benefits."

The claim in paragraph 43 of the death penalty being applied with "extreme caution" is belied by the statistics that show that China has more executions that all other nations combined. The proviso of some provisions for mercy "if immediate execution is not essential" in this paragraph is disturbing.

In paragraph 49 indicates: "The Criminal Law, the Criminal Procedure Law, the Judges Law, the Public Procurators Law and the People's Police Law explicitly prohibit the extortion of confessions by torture or the illegal collection of evidence. The Criminal Law establishes as a punishable criminal offence the extortion of a confession by torture, the collection of evidence by force and the ill-treatment of detainees. Anyone who perpetrates such acts will be held criminally responsible. Under the Law on State Compensation, any citizen who suffers from physical injuries caused by torture applied in order to extort a confession, acts of violence, or the unlawful use of weapons or police instruments shall be entitled to claim State compensation. Every people's court at the intermediate level and above has a compensation committee." Nevertheless the reports of pervasive use of torture to extract confessions show no sign of abating. Reports of people being compensated for being subject to torture or of police and security agency and prison personnel being sanctioned for engaging in acts of torture almost nil.

Paragraph 59 is also a highly specious claim: "The Constitution explicitly provides that citizens enjoy freedom of speech and of the press, and have the right to criticize a State organ or its officials and to make suggestions." This provision in the Constitution is clearly not enacted.

Paragraph 80 rightly notes: "China is a developing country. Although its total GDP ranks among the world's highest, the country still ranks well below 100 in terms of per capita GDP. Imbalances in development between urban and rural areas and among regions persist, as does the imbalance between economic and social development. Economic and social development are hampered by such constraints as resources, energy and the environment."

Paragraph 84 also makes a highly valid observation: "The problem posed by the fact that public health services are not adapted to people's needs remains acutely obvious. The imbalance in the development of health-care services between urban and rural areas and among regions persists. Irrational allocation of resources, weak public health services, inadequate rural and community-based medical services, poor regulation of the manufacture and distribution of pharmaceuticals, the rapidly rising costs of medical care and medicines have all elicited strong reactions from the people." Similar observations could be made with regard to provision of educational services, and social welfare provisions particularly pensions and other poverty alleviation measures.

The last two paragraphs summarize the political and legal areas where China falls short through a positive spin but without any specifying of measures to ameliorate the existing situation:

101. Deepening political restructuring; expanding citizens' orderly participation in political affairs, improving democratic institutions, diversifying the forms and expanding the channels of democracy; holding democratic elections, further developing the process of democratic decision-making, democratic administration and democratic oversight, guaranteeing the people's rights to be informed, to participate, to be heard and to oversee; gradually adopting the same ratio of deputies to represented population in elections to people's congresses in urban and rural areas.

102. Advancing the rule of law as a fundamental principle and deepening the reform of the judiciary; advancing democracy and openness in the judicial system; further regulating law enforcement and judicial practice and strengthening judicial oversight; improving the human rights training given to public servants, providing education in human rights and the legal system to all members of society and enhancing citizens' awareness of their rights and obligations.

Economic Explanation for Why Strikes By Teaching Assistants Go On Too Long

I feel a lot of sympathy for students at York University currently waiting out the strike by their TAs. The University term will likely be extended into the spring and summer period when the students had been expecting to take up paying jobs to help pay their tuition for 2009-10.

The TAs on the other hand will not likely be suffering much economic loss in the end. Usually TAs are paid by the term so their contracts are for 8 months out of 12. The other 4 months they live off what they were paid for the previous 8. So seeing as the winter term will be extended into the spring to make up two 12-week periods of classes followed by exams, the TAs only suffer a financial loss if the strike extends beyond 16 weeks.

The professors presumably will get 100% of their annual salary as they are simply shifting their non-teaching work to the strike period.

So it is mostly the students who suffer from a prolonged strike.

Comment on the January 19 Spring Festival Gala 2009 Show at the National Arts Centre in Ottawa

The show was really great and mostly of a fairly high culture nature suited to the NAC as a venue (dual erhu-violin concerto with Ottawa Symphony, etc.) I was happy with it as it really highlighted to Canadians what a rich culture and civilization China has.

The Chinese Embassy should be doing more of this sort of positive soft diplomacy in my opinion. On the rest of the troupe's stops of the tour in the States it is more of a "united front" thing designed to maintain identity with the PRC among people of Chinese origin who have resettled abroad. So in the States the show is mostly in Chinese including more popular contemporary numbers and stuff inaccessible to English speakers such as comic dialogues.

Anyway the Chinese Ambassador Lan Lijun appeared rightly very pleased with the version of the show put on in Canada.

Everybody (including me) hopes "Dashan" will take my place as co-MC next year.

Southam Hall appeared to have been sold out, but I doubt this show generates a profit.

Announcement of Chinese Spring Festival Show at National Arts Centre in Ottawa January 16 for which I will be Co-MC

SPRING FESTIVAL GALA 2009

East Meets West

Ancient and Modern China Combine to Celebrate the Chinese New Year

at the National Arts Centre, Ottawa

Friday, January 16 at 8:00 p.m.

A visual and musical masterpiece, The Spring Festival Gala 2009, the Spring Festival Gala 2009 will feature 50 leading artists and musicians from China, including the China Broadcasting Performing Arts Troupe, in collaboration with the Ottawa Symphony Orchestra.

The glorious history of the Middle Kingdom, the beauty and the incredible diversity of the ethnicities and landscapes of China, will be captured through music, dance and visual spectacle producing a multi-disciplinary celebration of talent, rhythm and harmony.

Seven traditional Chinese instruments will be showcased individually and with the Ottawa Symphony Orchestra, "Master of String" of Hu from China, Ms. Jiang Kemei, will perform a double concerto with the music master of OSO to provide a truly unique 'East-meets-West' musical experience.

A group of young girls from the recently affected earthquake region of Sichuan will be telling the rich and colourful history of the region through traditional dance.
Northern China culture will also be illustrated by the distinctive throat singing talent of Black Steed, a quintet Mongolian male singing group that also demonstrates traditional Mongolian musical instruments.

Maestro of China National Peking Opera House will perform the episode from the well known Monkey King story, the Journey to the West. Two renowned visual artists demonstrate for the audience the true sense of Chinese culture by the on-stage painting and calligraphy in the background of traditional Chinese music instrument playing.

International award winning acrobats, dancers, singers and musicians make up the full cast of this truly unique cultural experience designed for the whole family. This feast of artistry reflects the highest quality of Chinese performing arts on the world stage today. It will surely be one of the major cultural attractions in the National Capital Region in 2009.

Tickets for the Spring Festival Gala 2009 are available from the NAC Box Office, Ticketmaster and local Chinese community outlets. Prices range from $20.00 to $80 for regular tickets. www.springfestivalgala.ca

Charter 08 Arrests

After the issuing of the Charter 08 (see http://charlesburton.blogspot.com/2008/12/english-translation-of-charter-08-now.html) signed initially by several hundred prominent Chinese intellectuals Liu Xiaobo was arrested on October 8.  Since then the Charter has been signed by thousands more.  But to my knowledge only Mr. Liu is being held. 

My interpretation is that if the Chinese authorities arrested more people for attaching their names to this document, this would embolden many more of their colleagues who agree with the content of the Charter but are afraid to sign for fear of political persecution.  It would be like a "Sorcerer's Apprentice" scenario: the more arrested, the longer the list of signatories.

Political opposition to the status quo of one Party rule in China appears to be coalescing through this process.

China Meetings and the Chatham House Rule

These days well night every academic conference on China or NGO "consultations" with the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs are held under the "Chatham House Rule"

This rule is explained on the Chatham website (http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/about/chathamhouserule/) like this:

"The Chatham House Rule reads as follows:

'When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule, participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed.'

The world-famous Chatham House Rule may be invoked at meetings to encourage openness and the sharing of information."

But I wonder why participants in meetings about China find it necessary to conceal their identities when stating an opinion on or interpretation of contemporary Chinese politics?   What are we afraid of?  Isn't openness and transparency what we ask of our Chinese counterparts?  Why do we not ask it of ourselves?

 

Worry about Robert Fowler, Louis Guay and Huseyin Celil

According to media reports it appears that the fate of the Canadian diplomats, Robert Fowler and Louis Guay who vanished while travelling in Niger remains unknown to us.  We also don't know the status of Huseyin Celil presumably still in prison in Xinjiang.  Are they still alive?  Are they well?  Are they being subject to torture?  

On the one hand we lack information on what Fowler, Guay and Celil were really doing so far from Canada.  And on the other we don't know their subsequent fate when things went badly wrong.

I feel a sense of despair about not knowing, about the asking and getting no answers.  

I pray for their safe return to their anxious families here in Canada.

I am Speaking at National Library in Ottawa on January 15 at 7:30pm

The Reforms of Deng Xiaoping

by Professor Charles Burton

of Brock University

Thursday, January 15, 2009 at 7:30 p.m.

Library and Archives Canada, Room 156

395 Wellington Street, Ottawa

All are welcome.*

In the context of the 30^th anniversary year of the opening and reform policies of the new China, Professor Burton will review Chinese politics and economics prior to reform and opening up. He will take us through the momentous events of 1976, “The Year of the Dragon” starting with the April 5, 1976 movement (the Tiananmen people’s homage to the recently deceased Zhou Enlai), the consolidation of power by Mao’s political heir Hua Guofeng, his rivalry with Deng Xiaoping, and the October purge of the "Gang of Four". He will look at the factors accounting for Deng Xiaoping's rise to power and show why Deng's strategy to stimulate the economy while ensuring political and social stability proved very successful. He will then take us through the politics and economics in China after Deng Xiaoping's 1992 "Southern Tour" and the impact of Communist party leaders Zhao Ziyang, Hu Yaobang, Jiang Zemin on the reform policies, leading to the current President Hu Jintao's stamp of approval on Deng Xiaoping's legacy after 30 years of revolution 1949-1979 and 30 years of opening and reform from 1979-2009: What has been gained and what has been lost?

Dr. Burton has been Associate Professor of Political Science at Brock University since 1989. Since 1991 he has been borrowed twice from Brock by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade to work in the Canadian Embassy in Beijing from 1991 to 93 and most recently from 1998 until 2000, as Counsellor for Political Affairs.

Dr. Burton received a Ph.D. from the University of Toronto in 1987 after studies at Cambridge University. He also spent three years at Fudan University in Shanghai in the late 1970s. His first job was with the Communications Security Establishment in the Department of National Defence in Ottawa. He is author and editor of books and articles about China and North Korea, his major fields of research and policy advice.

*********

As is our custom, tea and refreshments will be served. There will be a charge of $5 for non-CCFS members. The CCFS-Ottawa Annual Membership is $20 for individuals, $25 for a family and $12 for students.

For further information about the Society or this event, call L. Merklinger at 819-777-8434 or go to www.fccfa.ca/Ottawa. Membership forms are available at this website.

Condoleezza Rice to visit China Jan 7-8

BEIJING (AFP) – US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will visit China on January 7 and 8, the foreign ministry said here Friday, in her last scheduled trip before the Bush administration leaves office.

(http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20090102/pl_afp/chinausdiplomacyrice)

Comment: Interesting. Brings to mind P.M. Chretien's reception of the Chinese President in Ottawa on Mr. Chretien's last day in office.