Wednesday, December 28, 2011
A study in presidential contrasts
Monday, December 19, 2011
Wednesday, December 14, 2011
Tuesday, December 13, 2011
Friday, December 09, 2011
Canada Marks Human Rights Day
(No. 365 - December 9, 2011 - 11:30 a.m. ET) Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird today issued the following statement on the occasion of Human Rights Day:
“2011 was a landmark year for human rights, we saw hundreds of thousands of people step forward in the face of violent repression to claim their rights.
“Unfortunately, we live in a world where basic human rights are not always upheld. Innocent people are continually persecuted for their sexual orientation, their political affiliation and their religious beliefs. Human rights defenders are punished and tortured for working to create a world where the rights of all people, including women and girls, are protected and enjoyed.
“We are too often witness to violations of the right to freedom of religion. The history of humanity has proven that religious freedom and democratic freedom are inseparable. One of Canada’s key priorities, therefore, is to establish an Office of Religious Freedom. We announced our intention to do so in the Speech from the Throne on June 3, 2011, and I repeated that commitment at the United Nations General Assembly on September 26, 2011.
“Canada will continue to work tirelessly to promote human rights around the world. On December 10 we both mark this important day and recommit ourselves to working toward freedom, democracy and human rights for all people.”
Friday, December 02, 2011
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
Tuesday, November 22, 2011
这份习近平家人的路线图并不全面，还有更多亲戚朋友 生活在美国、加拿大与澳大利亚，但仅仅从这个可以看出，他的很多 近亲与家人都生活在海外，据中办一位老同志透露，这和习近平无关 ，他们兄弟姐妹平时来往不多，他们也从来没有沾习近平的光，都是 靠自己的实力与人脉。他们在国内有这么好的条件，为什么都纷纷出国？而且有些已经拿了国外护照？
这位老同志透露了一段秘密，原来这事与习近平的父亲习 仲勋有关，习仲勋在毛时代被折磨得神经失常是假，其实他一直很清 醒，装疯卖傻只是为了保护自己的家人不受株连。习仲勋后来被平反 后，被委以重任，而他主管广东，和广东华人华侨接触比较多，从他 们那里才真正了解到西方的真实生活，尤其是政治状态与政治制度， 这是习仲勋政治思想转变的关键。从那时起他就要求子女们有机会的 时候都“远走高飞”，他说，报效祖国也可以到国外去，但留在国内 ，说不定就会某一天受到政治迫害，更不用说报效祖国了。但他要求 子女中留一个搞政治的，而且希望是那个最淳朴没有心机的习近平， 他说，在中国这种政治下，别以为有心机就能够成功，张春桥、江青 有心机吧，灭亡得更快。习仲勋自己一直对当局与毛泽东直言不讳， 在政治上从来不参与迫害人，表现得毫无心机，虽然受到了迫害，但 属于最终笑到最后的人。
习仲勋要求子女远离中国，符合他的思想。子女在他的影 响下，一有机会就出国了，唯独习近平留在了国内，但可能是受父亲 影响，习近平也把独生女儿送到哈佛大学读书。据哈佛大学一位叫david的老师向博讯记者透露，习近平的女儿有中国大陆派来的保 镖24小时保护，美国联邦调查局最近也加派人手暗中保护她。一般 来说在校学生无法申请绿卡，但习近平女儿已经有美国的长期驻留签 证，而且随时可以申请加入美国国籍。习近平女儿的成绩不错，空闲 时也上网阅读中文网页，业余爱好是时装与阅读。
Friday, November 18, 2011
"Every nation will chart its own course," Obama said. "Yet it is also true that certain rights are universal; among them, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, and the freedom of citizens to choose their own leaders."
The committee has named Huawei and ZTE as two of the companies that it is probing."
Thursday, November 17, 2011
Monday, November 14, 2011
"First we have to know whose rules we are talking about," Pang Sen, a deputy director-general at China's Foreign Ministry said.
"If the rules are made collectively through agreement and China is a part of it, then China will abide by them. If rules are decided by one or even several countries, China does not have the obligation to abide by that."
Thursday, November 10, 2011
Wednesday, November 09, 2011
China's state corporations' investments in the Canadian energy sector: Sating an Energy-Hungry World | The Agenda
Sunday, November 06, 2011
Thursday, November 03, 2011
Wednesday, November 02, 2011
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
Senior CSIS and RCMP officers confirmed to CTV that the Chinese news agency functions as an intelligence arm of China."
Read more: http://www.ctv.ca/CTVNews/Canada/20110918/bob-dechert-xinhua-reporter-110918/#ixzz1aWOFgYY2
Friday, September 30, 2011
Tuesday, September 27, 2011
Monday, September 26, 2011
Book Launch of “The China Challenge: Sino-Canadian Relations in the 21st Century” | Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada
Book Launch of “The China Challenge: Sino-Canadian Relations in the 21st Century”
Saturday, September 24, 2011
Wednesday, September 21, 2011
Monday, September 19, 2011
Officials say Rong was on their radar, but the Chinese news agency is involved in a different type of espionage than spying on political figures."
Saturday, September 17, 2011
Thursday, September 15, 2011
Wednesday, September 14, 2011
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"Typically, the aspiring correspondents attended the University of International Relations in Beijing or another similar university in Nanjing, "where they learned to master a foreign language and how to do intelligence work," the journalist said.
They would then work abroad for a set number of years, "and then disappear," he said. "You wouldn't see them again."
How many agents the State Security Ministry actually appoints depends on the rank and importance of the media outlet. There are several major media outlets that maintain correspondents abroad.
"With a powerful, high ranking media outlet, the Ministry of State Security might say, 'You have 20 positions? Maybe we can send five.' ""
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Tuesday, September 13, 2011
Saturday, September 10, 2011
From The Globe and Mail:
Tory MP apologizes for 'flirtatious' e-mails to Chinese reporter
Via The Globe and Mail news app for BlackBerry
Tuesday, August 30, 2011
Monday, August 29, 2011
Saturday, August 27, 2011
My judgement is that the issues with regard to senior-level Canadian officials visits to China raised in the US cable remain unchanged 4 years on.
Thinking about it, it this really indicates how one-sided the Canada-China relationship has become over the last 20 years. On these visits our senior cabinet ministers play the role of enhancing the prestige of CCP leaders by appearing on the Chinese news sitting on over stuffed chairs depicted as listening supplicantly to yet another stupefyingly wordy "comprehensive briefing" by a Chinese leader. Our diplomats in China struggle to come up with go-through-the-motions hollow announcements for the visiting minister to complement the courtesy calls and tours and banquets these things devolve in to.
On the other hand, over this time, China has made so many inroads into Canada that serve the interests of the Communist Party's regime very well. But Canada gets no progress on substance such as fairer access to the Chinese market, human rights concerns or concerns about Chinese espionage in Canada in return. Canada is floundering in China due to our lack of expertise and resources there.
And this suits the Chinese Communist Government just fine.
Monday, August 15, 2011
"Canada links future with China"
By : Xinhua|Updated: 2011-08-15
"Recognizing that strong economic and trade complementarity exists
between Canada and China, both countries agree that practical
cooperation should be enhanced to promote increased bilateral trade
and investment, and create new science and technology partnerships
that will lead to jobs, prosperity and economic opportunities for
Canadians and Chinese alike, he said.
"Measures taken include the launch of an economic complementarity
study, the negotiation of a Foreign Investment Promotion and
Protection Agreement (FIPA) and the establishment of joint working
groups on cleantech, infrastructure, and energy under the Joint
Economic and Trade Committee and Strategic Working Group," he said,
"We hope that these measures will far exceed all of our expectations
for bilateral trade between our countries."
Baird attached great importance to people-to-people ties."
and statement by Minister of Foreign Affairs: http://www.internati
Friday, August 12, 2011
Bergsten estimated the China's renminbi, also known as the yuan, is currently undervalued by at least 20 percent against the U.S. dollar as a result of China's currency intervention.
That "is the equivalent of a subsidy of 20 percent on all China's exports and an additional tariff of 20 percent on all China's imports," Bergsten said.
Saturday, August 06, 2011
Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Monday, July 25, 2011
See also: Postmedia news report by Jeff Davis "Canada not pressured into extraditing Chinese fugitive: Baird" http://tinyurl.com/3lrc3ad
The Chinese TV news covered Mr. Lai's return live from Beijing Airport. There has been literally hours of reporting and commentary on it. The level of interest in the Lai matter in China is much higher than I had previously imagined.
Thursday, July 21, 2011
human rights record?
Wednesday, July 20, 2011
University who is a former diplomat in Beijing and has written books
on the Middle Kingdom, says the key to moving forward might be for Mr.
Baird to become familiar with the changing situation in China. At that
point, he may adjust Canada's foreign policy to become engaged in
trying to support the agents of change in the country-as opposed to
trying to convince the Chinese Communist Party leadership that
democracy and human rights are simply a good thing. This will involve
more of what Mr. Baird referred to as "people-to-people" ties, rather
"China strategy needed to confront human rights":
Sunday, July 17, 2011
Thursday, July 14, 2011
DFAIT Reaffirms that Canada Will Not Change Approach to China on Human Rights (Sorry I Only Have It in Chinese)
Tuesday, July 12, 2011
June, the number of runaway corrupt officials – mainly supervisors and
managers from government departments, enterprises and institutions –
has reached 16,000, resulting in the transfer of 800 billion yuan
($119 billion) in assets to other countries or regions.
The report was allegedly retracted later by the central bank from its website.
Since 2007, at least 580 fugitives accused of illegal fundraising,
bank fraud, illegal transfer of funds abroad and contract fraud have
gone on the run in other countries, mostly in North America and
Southeast Asia, with Canada often cited as a haven for corrupt Chinese
officials and fugitives, the Ministry of Public Security revealed late
"Smuggler Lai Changxing nears extradition"
Monday, July 11, 2011
Friday, July 08, 2011
Tuesday, July 05, 2011
Thursday, June 30, 2011
Minister Baird Expresses Disappointment over North Korea's Chairmanship of UN Conference on Disarmament
Monday, June 27, 2011
Sunday, June 12, 2011
Sunday, May 22, 2011
Friday, May 20, 2011
Wednesday, May 18, 2011
I am not convinced by the explanations that I have been reading in the commentary sections of the popular press that attribute the reduction of the Liberal Party to just 34 seats in the House of Commons to external factors. These include: First of all, the effectiveness of the Conservative Party attack ads against Michael Ignatieff which questioned Ignatieff's commitment to Canada. Secondly the "unexpected" rise of support for the NDP attributed to the collapse of the Bloc Quebecois that reduced numbers for the Liberals. And finally, the painstaking work of Jason Kenney in gaining Conservative support by "the ethnic vote" which tipped the balance away from the Liberals in ridings in the Greater Toronto Area.
The other explanation, mostly coming from embittered Liberals, has been to blame the ineffectiveness of the Liberal leader, Michael Ignatieff. But the assertion in an Op-Ed in the Toronto Star published May 5 that the "Liberal defeat had one cause: Michael Ignatieff" suggesting that things would have gone much better had Bob Rae been in charge does not convince me either. Many claim that did not listen to the advice of seasoned Liberal insiders on political strategy before and during the election. While this accusation may be well-based, I don’t find this an adequate explanation.
In my line of work as a lecturer in the Department of Political Science at Brock University, I watch a lot of CPAC including broadcasts of Question Period in the House of Commmons. So I put in a lot of hours observing Michael Ignatieff's public statements in Parliament and at other events more of less daily since he became Leader of the Official Opposition in December 2008 ‘til he resigned earlier this month. On the face of it, Ignatieff was the kind of leader that I should have regarded as ideally suited to the position. He is very well-connected in London and Washington, a professor human rights at Harvard and author of a series of well-regarded books many on international affairs. One would have expected that he would have been a charismatic, articulate and insightful person of substance. But I agree with the characterization of Ignatieff by Tim Armstrong in that Op-Ed in the Toronto Star published May 5 that "his constant stridency in question period (when he was there) and in parliamentary debates was ineffective. On his bus forays across the country, he came across as professorial, condescending and insincere in asserting that he welcomed the opportunity to listen to — as opposed to lecture — Canadians." I took exception to his approach to his mode of responding to hostile questions from the press in the course of the election campaign. The image on the TV was of Ignatieff flanked by an assortment of Liberal candidates. At any challenging question he would smirk and produce an insincere tittering laugh chorused by the assembled entourage. It suggested am arrogant pettiness that rubbed me and I imagine other voters very wrong.
In general the Liberals didn't take being Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition seriously. They offered little in the way of innovative political alternatives. One felt that the Party leadership regarded program details as unimportant. That could be sorted out later. Main thing was that Canada should be governed by the Liberal Party elite. Government was their entitlement.
The decline of the Liberal Party of Canada does seem to follow the same sort of pattern that led to the decline of other once-great and solid Canadian institutions. For example only a few years ago Canada was the country of Eaton's, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada "Red Tories," and Bell Canada. These were all supremely confident organizations with a strong sense of their own traditions and history, blithely unaware that they were becoming increasingly irrelevant in the face of changing modern conditions.
When it finallly became apparent that they were heading into difficulty they were too arrogantly set in their ways to effectively respond and up to the end were in denial that their institution once so vibrant "modern" and at the forefront of national life was about to crash, never to rise again.
The same process appears to be being repeated by the once dominant Liberal Party of Canada.
Anyway all things in life have a beginning, a middle and an end. It is time for Canadian politics to look forward, not back.
Mr. Baird in his previous ministries has demonstrated a strong commitment to implementation of the Prime Minister's agenda. He is a strong leader who is not afraid to take strong action when necessary to ensure that the Government's purposes are fully realized in the programming of the departments under his administration.
The Department of Foreign Affairs has been a problematic ministry for the Harper Government due to long association of its senior civil servants with Liberal Party elitism through Liberal Party associated think tanks and other agencies. This has been particularly true in the case of the North Asian Relations Division.
But the function of the professional civil servants in Foreign Affairs is to implement the foreign policy agenda of the elected government, not attempt to subvert this agenda. This would include the new Office of Religious Freedom for which the Prime Minister clearly intends a central role in Canada's foreign affairs, immigration, and developmental aid programming.
Under Mr. Baird one can expect to see a rigorous approach to ensuring that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will genuinely represent the interests of Canada abroad as these interests are understood and articulated by the Government of Canada elected by Canadians on May 2.
Friday, May 13, 2011
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Tuesday, May 03, 2011
Thursday, April 28, 2011
For example Ai Weiwei was taken away by persons unknown, evidently not police, and some days later we are told by the Foreign Ministry that he is being held in an undisclosed location while being investigated on suspicion of tax evasion and bigamy. One would expect a process of 1. investigation by the procuracy; 2. charges laid; 3. arrest; 4. open trial (as tax evasion and bigamy do not fall into matters of state security that would call for a closed trial).
Ai Weiwei is of course a high profile case, but there are dozens and dozens of reports of people similarly disappearing, most of them "human rights defender" lawyers.
Wednesday, April 27, 2011
Saturday, April 23, 2011
Thursday, April 21, 2011
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Wednesday, April 20, 2011
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Monday, April 18, 2011
Slightly longer version of my interview with Ming Pao on the election and China policy: http://www.mingpaotor.com/htm/News/20110417/tab1.htm#
Friday, April 15, 2011
China's repressive new rulers
Wednesday, April 13, 2011
Saturday, April 09, 2011
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Thursday, April 07, 2011
PBS 17 minute long documentary "Who's Afraid of Ai Weiwei?": http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/ai-wei-wei/?utm_campaign=viewpage&utm_medium=grid&utm_source=grid
Are free to drink martinis and watch the sun rise
While Rubin sits like Buddha in a ten-foot cell
An innocent man in a living hell
Wednesday, April 06, 2011
Huntsman also urged the Chinese government not to use the Internet to create distrust and warned misperceptions in the United States and China threaten to lead to policies that could undermine their relationship."
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Monday, April 04, 2011
Sunday, April 03, 2011
His arrest can be seen as a milestone in the Chinese authorities' suppression of dissent due to Mr. Ai's prominence and very good reputation among most Chinese people in China.
Insightful article about Mr. Ai in New York Times: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/06/arts/design/ai-weiwei-takes-role-of-chinas-conscience.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print
Very powerful video statement by Mr. Ai:
Thursday, March 24, 2011
Tuesday, March 22, 2011
"Unsurprisingly, China Denies Google's Claims That They're Blocking Gmail" http://bit.ly/ezkGUu
Wednesday, March 02, 2011
[1 March, London] Thirteen human rights organisations and groups have issued a joint Statement on the UK-China Human Rights Dialogue that calls attention to deep-seated concerns held on the Dialogue process and urges the British government to review ways in which the Dialogue can meaningfully make progress.
Philippa Carrick, CEO of Tibet Society, one of the 13 signatories to the statement, commented, "Despite world focus being on Libya and the Middle East, it must not be forgotten that China's human rights record, adherence to internationally accepted human rights norms and its upholding of the rule of law do not bear scrutiny. The Foreign Secretary has issued very robust statements on Libya and, previously, on the people's actions in Egypt. When in Kuwait, the Prime Minister also reiterated the British government's commitment to upholding the values of right to peaceful protest, in freedom of speech and the Internet, in freedom of assembly and the rule of law. It is to be hoped that David Cameron's assertion that, 'As recent events have confirmed, denying people their basic rights does not preserve stability, rather the reverse. But these are not just our values, but the entitlement of people everywhere; of people in Tahrir Square as much as Trafalgar Square' (1), presages greater openness and meaningful intent in seeking freedoms and rights for those suffering suppression in China, Xinjiang and Tibet."
A statement on the process of the UK-China Human Rights Dialogue from Human Rights groups working in the UK to the Foreign Secretary William Hague.
On January 13-14, 2011, the UK government held its 19th round of annual UK-China Human Rights Dialogue in the UK. As specialists in human rights, China, Tibet and Xinjiang, we are concerned that these annual dialogues have become an all-too familiar and empty ritual that ultimately are not resulting in positive change on the ground. Worse, they can even be counter-productive in that they allow the Chinese government to claim an “achievement” on human rights when in fact no progress has been made. We support engagement with China, but believe that it is time for a new and more robust approach together with other dialogue partners based on achieving real, short-term goals. We outline some recommendations in this statement.
After a generation of economic development and numerous rounds of similar human rights dialogues with countries including the US, Canada, Australia and Japan, as well as with the EU, the human rights situation in China and Tibet has actually deteriorated. This is not a new conclusion; as far back as November, 2000, the cross-party Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee, briefed by some of the signatories of this letter, said there had been a “serious deterioration” in the human rights situation in China in the past two years since the UK government began its dialogue in 1998. This lack of progress has been noted by the FCO who, in 2008, acknowledged to the Foreign Affairs Committee that: “China has made little progress towards greater respect for human rights in 2008” (Clause 177, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmfaff/557/55710.htm#a48).
Since then and despite millions of pounds of assistance to promote ‘rule of law’ in China, the Chinese government has engaged in a systematic attack on the rule of law and civil society, has developed the world’s most sophisticated internet censorship system, has intensified religious repression particularly in Tibet and Xinjiang, and characterises two prominent Nobel Peace Prize winners, the Dalai Lama and Liu Xiaobo, as “criminals”.
The need to address this is urgent because human rights underpin almost all of the issues that the UK and other governments face with China today.
Our recommendations are as follows:
• The UK-China human rights dialogue should be transparent; maintaining opacity has enabled the Chinese authorities to misrepresent the process and to undermine essential follow-up of discussions that took place behind closed doors. The dialogue should involve participation with expert NGOs and representatives from civil society and, ideally, also with representatives of the Tibetan and Uyghur communities in exile. When the dialogue is taking place in the UK, the UK should set and share specific benchmarks for what would constitute progress, and both substance of the dialogue and benchmarks should be specific and publicly known. Following the dialogue, UK officials should offer to do interviews via the UK-based media outlets with Chinese-language services, and arrange for their remarks to be translated and circulated inside China, this would help to prevent the Chinese government’s attempts to prevent its citizens from knowing what the UK says about human rights.
• Each round of dialogue should be based on realistic and tangible short-term goals. For example, these could include the release of specific prisoners; the agreement on a date for further dialogue between the Dalai Lama’s envoys and the Chinese authorities; progress towards the repeal of dangerously ambiguous ‘state secrets’ and ‘subversion’ laws; the lifting of restrictions on weiquan (rights protection) lawyers. Discussions to further progress should be continued outside the context of the official meetings.
• UK HMG Dialogues with China have done nothing to significantly improve the Chinese people’s access to justice or the establishment of an independent judicial system. Programmes to assist ‘rule of law’ reforms and to facilitate exchanges of ‘legal experts’ should be designed to address specific structural, administrative and legal problems in China that lead to human rights abuses. Legal programmes would be best directed towards addressing problems such as widespread torture, strengthening protection for defence lawyers who face disbarment when defending political cases and lack of due process. There should be a geographical spread incorporating Tibetan and Uyghur areas when allocating funding for legal training, with a particular emphasis on empowering lawyers in these ‘minority’ areas. Attention should be paid to the need to make lawyers’ associations fully independent, insulated from interference by Party officials, security officials, and the Ministry of Justice, and repealing aspects of annual bar registration for lawyers which allow judicial system authorities to put pressure on and arbitrarily retaliate against lawyers for political and other reasons.
• Dialogue topics should not focus only on abuses of social and economic rights but should assert the importance of addressing violations of civil and political rights. Exchanges on specific prisoners should not be sidelined to the margins of the discussion but affirmed as part of the main agenda and information shared with multilateral partners, particularly the EU. Follow-up based on specific, up-to-date information is critical. The UN Human Rights Council should be used to advance human rights principles and thematic issues.
• Civil society in China, Xinjiang and Tibet should be supported both diplomatically and financially. UK Ministers and senior staff should take every opportunity to meet human rights defenders, lawyers, writers and others who are taking personal risks to promote human rights and the rule of law. Private dialogue should always be accompanied by strong and clear public statements in support of these individuals. Engagement between Tibetan, Uyghur and Chinese scholars and representatives from civil society on key issues such as autonomy and governance should be facilitated and encouraged where possible, for instance in round-table discussions.
• The issue of human rights should not be an addendum or after-thought. Prior to any formal engagement with Chinese leaders, a public statement setting the tone of the encounter and referring to the importance of human rights should be made. Human rights must not be allowed to be ‘ring-fenced’ to only be publicly raised within the official bilateral dialogue framework. Rather, rights issues should be integrated into the agendas of the full wide array of bilateral engagements. Issues such as tainted powdered milk and lead-painted toys should give rise to voicing concerns about the denial of a free, investigative press in China as much as they do about implications to standards of trade and commerce.
• Each round of dialogue should be followed with an open discussion of impact and progress towards bench-marked practical goals. Dialogue should be resumed only if mechanisms are put into place that build upon these areas and if some measurable progress appears to have been made. Decision-making needs to be set within the context of a longer-term strategy to tackle the issues at stake and not based on consequences that could be perceived to risk progress in the short-term, for instance a suspension of the dialogue from the Chinese side.
• Given the UK’s unique historic connection with Tibet, we welcome the UK government’s affirmation of the importance of dialogue between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government. We are disappointed that the Prime Minister did not raise the coalition government’s position on this issue strongly during his visit to China on 8-11 November 2010, particularly in the light of his earlier discussions directly with the Dalai Lama on May 21, 2008 (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9qXCQjz6CF0). We recommend that strong statements on this matter are made at the highest levels at every opportunity and not just within the context of the human rights dialogue; and that these statements are reiterated in public both inside China when the occasion arises and elsewhere.
• We welcome the UK’s strong position on not lifting the EU arms embargo on China and encourage UK officials to urge its EU partners to follow the same approach.
We would like to conclude by citing the findings of the Foreign Affairs Committee report in 2008, which stated: “We conclude that there remains little evidence that the British Government’s policy of constructive dialogue with China has led to any significant improvements in the human rights situation. We recommend that the Government sets benchmarks and specific targets for making progress in this dialogue; these should take account of but not be restricted to the time-specific commitments given by China itself during its Universal Periodic Review process.”
Tibet Society, Philippa Carrick, CEO
International Campaign for Tibet, Kate Saunders
Chinese Solidarity Campaign, Dr. Stephen NG
Christian Solidarity Worldwide
English PEN, Gillian Slovo, President
English PEN Writers in Prison Committee, Salil Tripathi, Chair
Federation for Democratic China (UK), Lucy Jin
Free Tibet, Stephanie Brigden, Director
Human Rights Watch, Sophie Richardson, Asia Advocacy Director
Shao Jiang, Independent, (participant of Tiananmen Square protest in 1989)
Students for a Free Tibet UK, Liam Allmark, Political Lobbying Co-ordinator
Tibetan Community in Britain, Pempa Lobsang, Chair
Tibetan Youth UK, Karma Chura-tsang, Director
Uighur UK Association, Enver Tohti Bugda