The Globe and Mail published my review of Simon Winchester's new biography of Joseph Needham today (it can be read here). There is a paragraph that I wrote that was not used by them. Here it is:
"Simon Winchester has published 19 books to date many of them non-fiction about East Asia. The Man Who Loved China follows along the lines of Winchester's bestseller The Professor and the Madman: a Tale of Murder, Insanity, and the Making of the 'Oxford English Dictionary' that came out to much acclaim 10 years ago. Winchester had full access to the massive collection of Needham papers held at the Cambridge Library and Needham Research Institute including Needham's diaries and letters. He was also able to interview a large number of people that Needham had known and worked with. The book is a very compelling read. But to make it so, Winchester has selected out those colourful aspects of Needham that emphasize the man's eccentricity, but are ultimately rather trivializing of one of the greatest scholars of the 20th century. Needham is often aptly compared to the 15th century scholar Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam, after all. So in Winchester's telling Needham comes off as more shallow and self-indulgent than he truly was. Joseph Needham deserves a more serious and comprehensive biography that does much better justice to his place in modern intellectual history."
Saturday, May 31, 2008
Monday, May 26, 2008
Why Limit the Freedom of Human Right Activists in the Face of Sino-US Human Rights Dialogue?
Wan Yanhai is director of the Aizhixing Beijing Institute, one of the leading organizations doing advocacy in China for the human rights people living with HIV and of groups affected by HIV. I met him in Beijing when I was researching my report on the Canada-China Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue for DFAIT.
Why Limit the Freedom of Human Right Activists in the Face of Sino-US Human Rights Dialogue?
May 25, 2008
By Wan Yanhai
As a result of the human rights dispute prior to the Beijing Olympics, China and the US started dialogue on human rights again. From the information I gathered in the past few days, the dialogue will take place on Monday in Beijing .
But something strange has happened. In the face of the human rights dialogue, Beijing public security apparatus began to limit the personal freedom of human right activists. For example, Zeng Jinyan was prohibited from leaving her residence on the morning of May 24th.
(She has just recently been allowed limited freedom, in that she can go out but is followed). Li Hai is under house arrest beginning on the same day. One human right activist were asked to leave the city, also on the same day. Many more has been contacted by the police and told to remain low key.
For the first time, I myself now have a police car parked in front of the door. Wherever I go, police car follow. On May 24th at around 9:30AM, police from the Beijing Haidian District Precinct called me and wanted to meet at 10 to "discuss something". At 10 and two policemen from the Haidian District and the person in charge of the local police station came. They told me that in the next few days, there will be policemen stationed outside my home, that if I want to go out, I will have to ride in the police car, with police escort. They then said however, that the police would "not interfere with my work and life." I was not shown any document and there was no explanation as to why these actions are taken.
I asked if this is related to the Olympics and was told no.
I asked if this is because June 4th is coming up, and was told no.
I asked if this is because we organized a charity dinner, and again was told no.
Around noon on May 24th, a policeman came to my residence. He was very polite. In the afternoon, when we went to the supermarket, the police followed. That night we went to a party, the policemen parked outside the restaurant, and then followed me home. Today, another policeman came, and there was a large picture of me in the front window of the police car, presumably so that I could be easily identified.
If it were not for the police visit, I would not have known there was going to be a Sino-US human rights dialogue. My neighbors heard from the police that some international VIPs are coming.
In the evening, others told me that this is probably related to the human rights dialogue, because apparently the US State Department Vice-secretary in Charge of Human Rights is coming to China and wanted to meet with human right activists.
In the face of Sino-US human rights dialogue, why limit the freedom of human right activists' Have our police friends thought about what this means'
Human rights dialogue is a good thing. If our government can invite those who are critical from civil society to join the dialogue, that would be the best. If our government does not want to involve civil society, it should at least tolerate the work and personal freedom of those who are working for human rights in this city. This would enhance the government's stature in respecting human rights. Thoughtlessly limiting their freedom would not contribute to the government claim that it respects human rights.
Why Limit the Freedom of Human Right Activists in the Face of Sino-US Human Rights Dialogue?
May 25, 2008
By Wan Yanhai
As a result of the human rights dispute prior to the Beijing Olympics, China and the US started dialogue on human rights again. From the information I gathered in the past few days, the dialogue will take place on Monday in Beijing .
But something strange has happened. In the face of the human rights dialogue, Beijing public security apparatus began to limit the personal freedom of human right activists. For example, Zeng Jinyan was prohibited from leaving her residence on the morning of May 24th.
(She has just recently been allowed limited freedom, in that she can go out but is followed). Li Hai is under house arrest beginning on the same day. One human right activist were asked to leave the city, also on the same day. Many more has been contacted by the police and told to remain low key.
For the first time, I myself now have a police car parked in front of the door. Wherever I go, police car follow. On May 24th at around 9:30AM, police from the Beijing Haidian District Precinct called me and wanted to meet at 10 to "discuss something". At 10 and two policemen from the Haidian District and the person in charge of the local police station came. They told me that in the next few days, there will be policemen stationed outside my home, that if I want to go out, I will have to ride in the police car, with police escort. They then said however, that the police would "not interfere with my work and life." I was not shown any document and there was no explanation as to why these actions are taken.
I asked if this is related to the Olympics and was told no.
I asked if this is because June 4th is coming up, and was told no.
I asked if this is because we organized a charity dinner, and again was told no.
Around noon on May 24th, a policeman came to my residence. He was very polite. In the afternoon, when we went to the supermarket, the police followed. That night we went to a party, the policemen parked outside the restaurant, and then followed me home. Today, another policeman came, and there was a large picture of me in the front window of the police car, presumably so that I could be easily identified.
If it were not for the police visit, I would not have known there was going to be a Sino-US human rights dialogue. My neighbors heard from the police that some international VIPs are coming.
In the evening, others told me that this is probably related to the human rights dialogue, because apparently the US State Department Vice-secretary in Charge of Human Rights is coming to China and wanted to meet with human right activists.
In the face of Sino-US human rights dialogue, why limit the freedom of human right activists' Have our police friends thought about what this means'
Human rights dialogue is a good thing. If our government can invite those who are critical from civil society to join the dialogue, that would be the best. If our government does not want to involve civil society, it should at least tolerate the work and personal freedom of those who are working for human rights in this city. This would enhance the government's stature in respecting human rights. Thoughtlessly limiting their freedom would not contribute to the government claim that it respects human rights.
Sichuan Earthquake and Beancurd Schools for the Children of the Underclass in China
Among the public at large the tragic loss of large numbers of children suddenly buried in the rubble of their collapsed schools has been the most heart-rending. Many observe that the collapsed schools were surrounded by intact buildings including neighbouring schools for children of local officials located more or less adjacent. There is general consensus that the schools collapsed burying the innocent children because the schools were of substandard construction. This is attributed to high rates of corruption by local authorities in misallocation of funds for public projects combined with bribery that allows contractors to cut corners. Everybody knows that one is hard pressed to find a Communist Party official whose lifestyle and that of his family does not far exceed his state salary. They also tend to be negligent in fulfilling official duties. Schools "made of beancurd" are just one indication of a Party which has transferred its allegiance from the interests of "workers, peasants and soldiers" to the pursuit of money and raw power for the benefit of the ruling elite. As years go by the gap between rich in power grows yearly ever wider. While China's distribution of wealth was one of the most egalitarian the world over the Mao era, today China has one of the most inegalitarian wealth distributions, already approaching Brazilian-level inequity. The Government has already responded to the public outrage over this issue by promising to deal firmly with anyone found to have acted improperly with regard to construction of the collapsed schools. The Government has further committed to crack down on embezzlement of funds or illegal sale of emergency relief supplies.
But the underlying issues are systemic in nature.
As Jiang Wenran of the University of Alberta has put it with regard to the Chinese citizenry's attitude to the reports: "They don't identify with the government, but they identify with China as a nation, and they feel that it is vulnerable.”
Jiang's comment see: Geoffrey York, "Shock of consciousness' sweeps China in wake of temblor" The Globe and Mail May 17, 2008 available on-line at http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080516.wchina17/BNStory/International/ (accessed May 22, 2008).
Excellent account by Jim Yardley in Sunday's New York Times: "Chinese Are Left to Ask Why Schools Fell" http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/25/world/asia/25schools.html?_r=1&th=&oref=slogin&emc=th&pagewanted=print
But the underlying issues are systemic in nature.
As Jiang Wenran of the University of Alberta has put it with regard to the Chinese citizenry's attitude to the reports: "They don't identify with the government, but they identify with China as a nation, and they feel that it is vulnerable.”
Jiang's comment see: Geoffrey York, "Shock of consciousness' sweeps China in wake of temblor" The Globe and Mail May 17, 2008 available on-line at http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080516.wchina17/BNStory/International/ (accessed May 22, 2008).
Excellent account by Jim Yardley in Sunday's New York Times: "Chinese Are Left to Ask Why Schools Fell" http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/25/world/asia/25schools.html?_r=1&th=&oref=slogin&emc=th&pagewanted=print
Friday, May 23, 2008
Report on U.S. Senate Subcomittee Hearing that Suggests CISCO Collaborating Closely with Chinese Authorities on Internet Censorship
At a hearing before a Senate subcommittee that focuses on human rights and the Internet, Chairman Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) focused on a PowerPoint presentation that discussed China's "combat" of "evil religious groups," such as Falun Gong, which the Chinese government has banned since 1999.
Shiyu Zhou, deputy director of the Global Internet Freedom Consortium, testified that it had obtained the presentation titled Cisco Opportunities [in the Golden Shield Project], which showed Cisco working closely with the government on an elaborate scheme to control what information is available on the Internet in China.
"Cisco offers much more than just routers; it offers planning, construction, technical training, and operations maintenance for the Golden Shield," Zhou said. "Our research shows that the infrastructure of China's Great Firewall coincides with the layouts in Cisco (China)'s PowerPoint document."
Zhou charged that "Cisco can no longer assure Congress that Cisco (China) has not been and is not now an accomplice and partner in China's Internet repression and, whether directly or indirectly, in its persecution of Falun Gong practitioners and other peaceful citizens in China."
Cisco general counsel Mark Chandler said he was "appalled" to see the reference to Falun Gong in the slide presentation and asserted that Cisco merely sells generic network equipment to China without customizing it to work with the Golden Shield.
"We disavow the implication that this (presentation) in any way reflects Cisco's views," Chandler said. He added that "employees who would customize our products in such a way as to undermine human rights" would violate the company's "extensive code of conduct."
The industry has been working for two years on a voluntary code of conduct for doing business in China, and Durbin signaled that congressional patience is wearing thin. Industry negotiations are "intolerably slow," he said.
Full text of this report can be found here
Shiyu Zhou, deputy director of the Global Internet Freedom Consortium, testified that it had obtained the presentation titled Cisco Opportunities [in the Golden Shield Project], which showed Cisco working closely with the government on an elaborate scheme to control what information is available on the Internet in China.
"Cisco offers much more than just routers; it offers planning, construction, technical training, and operations maintenance for the Golden Shield," Zhou said. "Our research shows that the infrastructure of China's Great Firewall coincides with the layouts in Cisco (China)'s PowerPoint document."
Zhou charged that "Cisco can no longer assure Congress that Cisco (China) has not been and is not now an accomplice and partner in China's Internet repression and, whether directly or indirectly, in its persecution of Falun Gong practitioners and other peaceful citizens in China."
Cisco general counsel Mark Chandler said he was "appalled" to see the reference to Falun Gong in the slide presentation and asserted that Cisco merely sells generic network equipment to China without customizing it to work with the Golden Shield.
"We disavow the implication that this (presentation) in any way reflects Cisco's views," Chandler said. He added that "employees who would customize our products in such a way as to undermine human rights" would violate the company's "extensive code of conduct."
The industry has been working for two years on a voluntary code of conduct for doing business in China, and Durbin signaled that congressional patience is wearing thin. Industry negotiations are "intolerably slow," he said.
Full text of this report can be found here
Fragment from Rex Murphy's Statement on the Celil Case Broadcast on CBC National News On May 22
I know nothing of the case against him, but the regard shown in this letter, the affection for his wife, and respect for his mother is of a rare and highly singular standard. He neither rages against his own tragedy, the cruel horror of being snatched and jailed for life, nor flings his anger at officials or government.
The burden of the note is his aching concern for wife, children, and mother. We should be pleased Canada has such citizens. All the more reason that Mr. Celil's nightmare should be the active business of our federal government, our premiers and press, and all Canadians.
It is simply not enough that China declare his guilt, place him in jail for life, deny him communication, and hide him away in the darkness of its prison system -- and that we should ignore it. Trade missions and Olympic games are not worth the silence his case has earned so far.
Full text of his remarks: http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/video/transcripts/transcript_speaking_up_for_cel.html
The burden of the note is his aching concern for wife, children, and mother. We should be pleased Canada has such citizens. All the more reason that Mr. Celil's nightmare should be the active business of our federal government, our premiers and press, and all Canadians.
It is simply not enough that China declare his guilt, place him in jail for life, deny him communication, and hide him away in the darkness of its prison system -- and that we should ignore it. Trade missions and Olympic games are not worth the silence his case has earned so far.
Full text of his remarks: http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/video/transcripts/transcript_speaking_up_for_cel.html
Friday, May 09, 2008
Fragment from BBC Report of Google AGM Last Thursday and Human Rights and Censorship Proposals by Shareholders
Google defeated two contentious shareholder proposals at the AGM.
The first wanted the company to create a special committee on human rights, while the second asked Google to increase its opposition to censorship demands from countries such as China that wish to limit their citizens' internet access.
While both votes were defeated, a breakdown of the vote has yet to be released.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/7391599.stm
The first wanted the company to create a special committee on human rights, while the second asked Google to increase its opposition to censorship demands from countries such as China that wish to limit their citizens' internet access.
While both votes were defeated, a breakdown of the vote has yet to be released.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/7391599.stm
Tuesday, May 06, 2008
Tian Guo Marching Band
The Falun Gong's new Tian Guo ("Heavenly Kingdom") Marching Band is currently making itself available for parades at every sort of Canadian cultural event. It is fascinating to me that this Falun Gong Band has a name eerily reminiscent of the Taiping Tianguo ("Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace") which flourished in China from 1853-64, capital at Nanjing. At its peak the Taiping Rebellion forces occupied much of the central Yangzi valley area. and ruled over 30 million Chinese.
The leader of the Taipings, Hong Xiuquan, had a vision that he was the younger brother of Jesus and on this basis developed a revised version of Christianity with no Trinity and an additional "gospel" written by himself. Hong imposed and enforced his version of Christianity in the areas under his military control. Within the land that they controlled, the Taiping Heavenly Army established a theocratic and highly militarised rule. Hong preached that it was the mission of the Taiping Tianguo to rebel against the weak and corrupt Manchus so that China would not be forced under foreign rule by Western imperialists. The rebellion swung from one side to another, now a defeat, now a victory, now a defeat.
Mao Zedong viewed the Taipings as early heroic revolutionaries against a corrupt feudal system.
Intriguing food for thought as to why the Falun Gong also identifies with a "Heavenly Kingdom" using the same Chinese characters as the Taipings used for their political rebellion in China.
Website of the Falun Gong Marching band: www.tianguoband.org
The leader of the Taipings, Hong Xiuquan, had a vision that he was the younger brother of Jesus and on this basis developed a revised version of Christianity with no Trinity and an additional "gospel" written by himself. Hong imposed and enforced his version of Christianity in the areas under his military control. Within the land that they controlled, the Taiping Heavenly Army established a theocratic and highly militarised rule. Hong preached that it was the mission of the Taiping Tianguo to rebel against the weak and corrupt Manchus so that China would not be forced under foreign rule by Western imperialists. The rebellion swung from one side to another, now a defeat, now a victory, now a defeat.
Mao Zedong viewed the Taipings as early heroic revolutionaries against a corrupt feudal system.
Intriguing food for thought as to why the Falun Gong also identifies with a "Heavenly Kingdom" using the same Chinese characters as the Taipings used for their political rebellion in China.
Website of the Falun Gong Marching band: www.tianguoband.org
Tuesday, April 29, 2008
In Defence of Fred Taylor
In this morning's National Post Robert Fulford has written a review of John Virtue's new book published by McGill-Queen's University Press which is entitled Fred Taylor: Brother in the Shadows. The review is entitled "Bitter Fred turned red: Lazy communism and E.P. Taylor's little brother" (can be read here). Mr. Fulford's article paints my uncle Fred (actually my maternal grandmother's cousin), an artist based in Montreal and San Miguel de Allende in Mexico, in a highly negative light Seems there is not single good thing to be said about him. According to Fulford he was unprincipled because (the way Fulford depicts it) his political commitment to Stalinism was easily terminated when my Aunt Florence (his mother) cut off his allowance, his paintings were lousy, he was an angry and petty man who treated his wives and servants very badly and so he committed suicide in 1987 because he was "so displeased by his life."
I haven't read the book itself yet, so Fulford may not be characterizing it entirely accurately.
Nevertheless I did carry on quite a lot of correspondence with Uncle Fred when I was a student in the 1970s. He always wrote back from Mexico promptly on airmail paper using a nib pen and brown ink. His nephew, a former Globe and Mail China correspondent and writer, Charles Taylor was an elder brother-like mentor figure to me when I was a student at Trinity College of the U of Toronto (we are both named "Charles" after our common ancestor, E.P. Taylor's grandfather, Charles Magee). Uncle Fred was a common topic of our conversation. Charles and I had great affection and respect for him, as did everybody else in the family insofar as I was aware.
My grandmother, Mary Greaves went to stay with Uncle Fred and Aunt Nova in Mexico at least twice before she died in 1962. She was very fond of them both.
The facts given in Mr. Virtue's book may indeed be true, but we people who knew Fred Taylor well all loved him.
And I very much admired his paintings, water colours and etchings too.
I haven't read the book itself yet, so Fulford may not be characterizing it entirely accurately.
Nevertheless I did carry on quite a lot of correspondence with Uncle Fred when I was a student in the 1970s. He always wrote back from Mexico promptly on airmail paper using a nib pen and brown ink. His nephew, a former Globe and Mail China correspondent and writer, Charles Taylor was an elder brother-like mentor figure to me when I was a student at Trinity College of the U of Toronto (we are both named "Charles" after our common ancestor, E.P. Taylor's grandfather, Charles Magee). Uncle Fred was a common topic of our conversation. Charles and I had great affection and respect for him, as did everybody else in the family insofar as I was aware.
My grandmother, Mary Greaves went to stay with Uncle Fred and Aunt Nova in Mexico at least twice before she died in 1962. She was very fond of them both.
The facts given in Mr. Virtue's book may indeed be true, but we people who knew Fred Taylor well all loved him.
And I very much admired his paintings, water colours and etchings too.
Friday, April 25, 2008
Frolic Frolic
Toronto Sun April 10, 2008:
Mayor David Miller leads a controversial trade mission to China Sunday, calling the trip important to the city's economic future.
Despite calls from Tibetan activists to cancel the one-week trip amid China's violent crackdown on protests, Miller insisted yesterday he will use the visit as an opportunity to speak out "where appropriate" on human rights and conditions in Tibet.
"We must stand up for Torontonians' values, like human rights," Miller said to applause during a keynote speech at a Toronto Board of Trade luncheon.
York University professor Bernie Frolic will also give lectures on human rights at Chinese universities during the trip, Miller said.
http://www.torontosun.com/News/TorontoAndGTA/2008/04/10/pf-5243261.html
National Post April 15, 2008, p. A7:
He said he wouldn't forget about human rights, noting, "A member of our mission, York University professor Dr. Bernie Frolic, will be giving lectures on human rights at Chinese universities during the trip." However, when a reporter mentioned on Monday that some consider Dr. Frolic an apologist for Chinese policy in Tibet, the Mayor said, "his lectures aren't part of our mission." http://network.nationalpost.com/np/blogs/toronto/archive/2008/04/14/letter-from-city-hall-mayor-rediscovers-bay-street-side-in-beijing.aspx
Globe and Mail April 15, 2008, p. A11:
LECTURES NOW NOT PART OF TORONTO MISSION
Under pressure from pro-Tibet activists before heading to China, Toronto Mayor David Miller made repeated statements that a York University professor in his delegation would be giving lectures on human rights.
But yesterday, speaking in Beijing, Mr. Miller appeared to reverse himself. He said the lectures by Bernie Frolic, a leading expert in Chinese politics, were not part of the trip.
"Professor Frolic, at a press conference in my office, announced that he would be lecturing about human rights while he was here," Mr. Miller said. "I can't speak for him. He announced it - I didn't."
Mayor David Miller leads a controversial trade mission to China Sunday, calling the trip important to the city's economic future.
Despite calls from Tibetan activists to cancel the one-week trip amid China's violent crackdown on protests, Miller insisted yesterday he will use the visit as an opportunity to speak out "where appropriate" on human rights and conditions in Tibet.
"We must stand up for Torontonians' values, like human rights," Miller said to applause during a keynote speech at a Toronto Board of Trade luncheon.
York University professor Bernie Frolic will also give lectures on human rights at Chinese universities during the trip, Miller said.
http://www.torontosun.com/News/TorontoAndGTA/2008/04/10/pf-5243261.html
National Post April 15, 2008, p. A7:
He said he wouldn't forget about human rights, noting, "A member of our mission, York University professor Dr. Bernie Frolic, will be giving lectures on human rights at Chinese universities during the trip." However, when a reporter mentioned on Monday that some consider Dr. Frolic an apologist for Chinese policy in Tibet, the Mayor said, "his lectures aren't part of our mission." http://network.nationalpost.com/np/blogs/toronto/archive/2008/04/14/letter-from-city-hall-mayor-rediscovers-bay-street-side-in-beijing.aspx
Globe and Mail April 15, 2008, p. A11:
LECTURES NOW NOT PART OF TORONTO MISSION
Under pressure from pro-Tibet activists before heading to China, Toronto Mayor David Miller made repeated statements that a York University professor in his delegation would be giving lectures on human rights.
But yesterday, speaking in Beijing, Mr. Miller appeared to reverse himself. He said the lectures by Bernie Frolic, a leading expert in Chinese politics, were not part of the trip.
"Professor Frolic, at a press conference in my office, announced that he would be lecturing about human rights while he was here," Mr. Miller said. "I can't speak for him. He announced it - I didn't."
Thursday, April 24, 2008
Falling Out of My Chair: My Testimony to the House Foreign Affairs Committee on April 17, 2008
I gave a statement and answered questions for 90 minutes
English language transcript: http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?DocId=3433712&Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=39&Ses=2
et en français: http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?DocId=3433712&Language=F&Mode=1&Parl=39&Ses=2
A couple of my favourite parts extracted:
Mme Diane Bourgeois:
Vous avez dit qu'on avait des partenariats stratégiques. On n'a pas inclus le dialogue sur les droits humains dans ces partenariats stratégiques. English language transcript: http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?DocId=3433712&Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=39&Ses=2
et en français: http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?DocId=3433712&Language=F&Mode=1&Parl=39&Ses=2
A couple of my favourite parts extracted:
Mme Diane Bourgeois:
Est-ce là ce que vous êtes en train de dire?
M. Charles Burton:
Oui, c'est effectivement vrai.Mme Diane Bourgeois:
Merci beaucoup. Je viens de tomber de ma chaise!
. . .
The Chair:
I just want to let the committee know my intentions here. We were to go into our in camera draft document report now, but I think my intention is that we will continue with this for the time being. We have probably Canada's predominant expert on China-Canada relations here with us right now. I'll give everyone the opportunity to have a question. I know there are a few who still have questions.
Mr. Burton, do you have time to stay with us?
Dr. Charles Burton:
I would be happy to stay.The Chair:
Wonderful. Thank you.Comment by me: Not sure that my colleagues in the academy would agree with the "predominant expert on China-Canada relations" assessment, but I am honoured to be noted as such in Hansard all the same.
Wednesday, April 09, 2008
Statement to The Standing Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Affairs on The Rise Of China in the Global Economy
Statement by Charles Burton to The Standing Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Affairs on The Rise Of China in the Global Economy and Implications for Canadian Policy, April 9, 2008
China's increasing importance in the global economy is one aspect of what Chinese policymakers refer to as «China's comprehensive rise to power». China's economic rise is understood as part of an overall strategy whose goal is transform China into a great power politically in international relations and to promote China's cultural influence in the world.. So most Chinese in their Government and in the Chinese populace at large see China's economic rise as serving China's greater purposes in the political and cultural realms.
Chinese people in general have a strong sense of the past glories of their historical tradition and enormous nationalistic pride in the greatness of Chinese civilization and culture. They also have a long historical memory and understand that history in terms of flourishing past, a decline in China's relative position in the world in 19th century, and a very significant opportunity for China to rise to possibly global prodominance in this 21st century.
That is to say, that when Marco Polo wrote his famous account of his Travels in China in the 13th century, Marco Polo decribed a China that was superior to the West in well nigh every way. China in that period was a global leader in technology --- porcelains, fine silk fabrics, and a large number of things that the West did not have the ability to produce at the same level of technological sophistication, and in arts, culture, governance, and trade: the port at Quanzhou in Southern Fujian being characterized by Marco Polo as a more important centre for international commerce than even Egypt's great port of Alexandria in that era.
But in the 19th century, China had lagged well behind the subsequent remarkable remarkable rise of the Western nations in commerce and technology. By1840 China was forced to make humiliating concessions to the British including ceding Hong Kong to Britain as a colony after China badly lost a with Britain over the right of Britain to sell opium in China. Subsequently when word of China's weakness became known, other imperialist powers were able to force ceding of Chinese territory and other concessions. China had become to be characterized as «the sick man of Asia». From the Chinese cultural point of view Japan joining in this plunder was the greatest blow to Chinese national pride. Japan had traditionally been perceived in China as a subsidiary culture to China's in a «big brother-little brother» relationship. But by 1932 Japan was even able to sever the entire Manchurian region of northeast China off from a weak Republic of China to form a Japanese controlled puppet state called Manchukuo and of course Japan occupied most of the rest of China's territory under brutal rule in the 2nd World War.
In 1949, Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong declared the establishment of the People's Republic of China with the words «The Chinese people have stood up!» China's new regime promised to redress the humiliations of the past inflicted on China by Western nations and the Japanese and restore China to greatness as what the Chinese refer to as a «modernized strong country»
After now 30 years of sustained high economic growth rates, China under the Chinese Communist Party regime is now a very important player in the world economy and a very importnat important factor in Canada's prosperity. I am very happy to see this Senate Committee investigating the implications of China's rise for Canadian policy. China's rise has very strong implications for the Canada and the entire world economic and political order in the years ahead, so it is incumbent on us to take it very seriously.
There is a school of thought popular among Chinese nationalists that sees China rising to a position of global predominance in years ahead. The argument goes that the United States is a declining power overextended in military adventurism in Iraq and Afghanistan and elsewhere and has allowed itself to become mired in debilitating foreign debt, much it now held by China. As the U.S. grows weaker, a rising China can move to eventually supplant the U.S. in its rôle as the leading global superpower. China would thereby be able to use this strategic leverage to make Taiwan «return to the embrace of Motherland» as China puts it. This Chinese nationalist vision asserts that without the USA as a check on China's rise, China will be restored its rightful historical position as the pre-eminent global civilization. According to this view, the hegemony of the English-speaking peoples over the global affairs which has been in force for close to 200 years would come to an end and be replaced by a new Chinese global hegemony.
This sort of Chinese-dominated future is dependent on a number of factors that may not come to pass in years ahead, but I do think that regardless it is important to be aware of some concerns in China's continuing rise based on some things that we are observing now as China becomes more assertive in its bilateral relations and participation in global institutions such as the WTO and UN because China is a much more powerful nation than was the case even just a few years ago.
These concerns centre on China's sense of «global citizenship» in terms of China's willingness to follow the existing norms of international relations. This is to say that there are concerns about China's interpretation of its obligations to the United Nations human rights covenants that it has signed and its less than satisfactory rôle in the UN Human Rights Council and there are concerns that China is pushing the boundaries of the accepted consensus of the range of interpretation of the rules of the WTO in a number of areas including expectations of transparency and openess. China has also been reluctant to assume its share of responsibility to take action to address global environmental issues
I remain concerned that as China becomes a more powerful nation in the world that China may tend to impose its own interpretations of the terms of the important treaties and conventions that govern international relations in ways that would tend to serve Chinese interests more that the overall interests of the international community as a whole. Canada's prosperity, security and ability to stand for democracy and human rights as a universal good both domestically here in Canada and internationally could also be degraded by the rise of a China that does not come to internalize the values of global citizenship.
I therefore think that it is important that Canada devote more attention and resources to our relationship with China as a country that is important to Canada now and will almost certainly be much more important to Canada in years ahead. What we don't want is a powerful non-democratic strongly nationalistic China to attempt to impose non-democratic norms on the international order of an increasingly globalizing world into which Canada is more and more integrated. But a wealthy and powerful democratic China would be of benefit to to global prosperity, the environment we all share, and the cause of furthering international human rights.
So in conclusion I think that it is important that Canada continue to engage China bilaterally and multilaterally on ts international obligations to fulfil the terms of the UN Covenants and treaties it is pledged to uphold and to fulfil the terms of China's entry into the WTO. In this regard a future democratic China is strongly in the interests of both China and Canada.
Transcript of the Meeting can be found here
English:
http://www.parl.gc.ca/39/2/parlbus/commbus/senate/Com-e/fore-e/45297-e.htm?Language=E&Parl=39&Ses=2&comm_id=8
Français:
http://www.parl.gc.ca/39/2/parlbus/commbus/senate/com-f/fore-f/45297-f.htm?Language=F&Parl=39&Ses=2&comm_id=8
Thursday, April 03, 2008
Prime Minister's Comment on China at News Conference in Bucharest Today
I would continue to urge China to respect human rights and peaceful protest, not just in Tibet but everywhere.
And I would also encourage the government of China to understand that its growing wealth, its growing profile in the world and of course the profile of the Olympics will put a greater and greater spotlight on its record in this regard.
International concerns about China's handling of recent unrest in Tibet will only escalate if things don't change.
My strong advice would be to take these concerns seriously because I think they are likely to grow rather than diminish if we see a repetition of the current pattern.
http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20080402/NATO_summit_080403/20080403?hub=TopStories
And I would also encourage the government of China to understand that its growing wealth, its growing profile in the world and of course the profile of the Olympics will put a greater and greater spotlight on its record in this regard.
International concerns about China's handling of recent unrest in Tibet will only escalate if things don't change.
My strong advice would be to take these concerns seriously because I think they are likely to grow rather than diminish if we see a repetition of the current pattern.
http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20080402/NATO_summit_080403/20080403?hub=TopStories
Tuesday, April 01, 2008
Tibetan Dancing at Olympic Torch Ceremony on Tian'anmen Square on March 31
I do not remember seeing any Tibetans doing any dancing when I visited Tibet some years ago. I have often seen Chinese variety shows with one act being Han Chinese young women dressed in cowboy hats with false long braids doing what is described in the program as "Chinese ethnic minority dance (Tibetan)". I am not sure how Tibetans regard this sort of performance. Are they pleased? Are they flattered?
I think that it is hard for PRC people to understand why Tibetans in Tibet or for that matter ethnic Chinese abroad and on Taiwan don't want to be part of the Great China rise projet. They think that all things being equal they should be just as enthusiastic about it as Chinese in China are supposed to be.
I think that it is hard for PRC people to understand why Tibetans in Tibet or for that matter ethnic Chinese abroad and on Taiwan don't want to be part of the Great China rise projet. They think that all things being equal they should be just as enthusiastic about it as Chinese in China are supposed to be.
Sunday, March 30, 2008
Chinese idea that Tibetans would be happy with Chinese rule if not for Western subversion
I am quite worried about very common Chinese "anti-Western" interpretation of current disorder in Tibet which is that the West (via CIA, etc.) controls the Dalai Lama who instigates Tibetans in Tibet to revolt leading to spoiling the Olympics causing Chinese national loss of face and thereby inhibiting China's rise to great power status. Many Han Chinese I know are individually very angry with Westerners in general because they think like this.
This line of thought could lead to bad things in China domestically and in China's foreign policy. It would discredit the "Western" human rights doctrine in China and tend to make China confrontational rather than cooperative in international relations.
This line of thought could lead to bad things in China domestically and in China's foreign policy. It would discredit the "Western" human rights doctrine in China and tend to make China confrontational rather than cooperative in international relations.
Saturday, March 29, 2008
An Appeal to the Chinese People from His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama
An Appeal to the Chinese People from His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters round the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make a personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.
Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts." I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese people and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year-old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at other times we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.
The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet, too, was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954-55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.
Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged.
China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist". Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.
With my prayers,
Dalai Lama
March 28, 2008
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters round the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make a personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.
Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts." I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese people and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year-old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at other times we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.
The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet, too, was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954-55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.
Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged.
China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist". Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.
With my prayers,
Dalai Lama
March 28, 2008
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
Canadian Government Boycott of Olympic Opening Ceremony
My view is regardless of whether there is a formal boycott of the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics or not, it is unlikely that any senior Canadian politicians will go to China at that time. For protocol reasons it would be very difficult for them to avoid being photographed shaking hands with their Chinese counterparts in Beijing. It strikes me that under the circumstances it is hard to imagine any Canadian politician of any party wanting to risk seeing themselves on the pages of our newspapers in the company of a grinning Chinese Communist leader. Another factor making this unlikely in my opinion is that based on my experience with this kind of thing, the opening ceremony is bound to include some ersatz Tibetan "singing and dancing." Han Chinese in the PRC are taught believe that all of the 56 officially recognized nationalities except themselves "love to sing and dance." It is part and parcel of the official strategy to debase non-Han cultures in China by reducing them all to folkloric elements.
Tuesday, March 25, 2008
News from the Loading Dock at U.S. Air Force Base in Wyoming
WASHINGTON (AP) The Pentagon announced on Tuesday that it mistakenly shipped non-nuclear ballistic missile components to Taiwan from a U.S. Air Force base in Wyoming.
Comment: They must have got the address labels on those crates mixed up.
Wednesday, March 26, 2008, 12:37 PM PDT
WASHINGTON (AP) President Bush told Chinese President Hu Jintao that a "mistake had been made" in shipment of nuclear missile fuses to Taiwan.
Thursday, March 27, 2008, 12:17 PM PDT
WASHINGTON (AP) Defense Secretary Robert Gates has ordered an inventory of all nuclear weapon and related material in the wake of mistaken shipment to Taiwan.
Comment: They must have got the address labels on those crates mixed up.
Wednesday, March 26, 2008, 12:37 PM PDT
WASHINGTON (AP) President Bush told Chinese President Hu Jintao that a "mistake had been made" in shipment of nuclear missile fuses to Taiwan.
Thursday, March 27, 2008, 12:17 PM PDT
WASHINGTON (AP) Defense Secretary Robert Gates has ordered an inventory of all nuclear weapon and related material in the wake of mistaken shipment to Taiwan.
Saturday, March 22, 2008
Twelve Suggestions for Dealing with the Tibetan Situation by Some Chinese Intellectuals
1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity. We call for such propaganda to be stopped.
2. We support the Dalai Lama¡'s appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace, and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.
3. The Chinese government claims that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." We hope that the government will show proof of this. In order to change the international community's negative view and distrustful attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation's Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of the evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc.
4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as "the Dalai Lama is a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human face and the heart of a beast" used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization.
5. We note that on the very day when the violence erupted in Lhasa (March 14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." This shows that the authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried out to determine this and deal with it accordingly.
6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a "popular revolt" triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false information to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also seriously reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the same course in the future.
7. We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are open, just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied.
8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an open attitude can we turn around the international community's distrust of our government.
9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture of aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international community and harm China's international image.
10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies.
11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make suggestions regarding the government¡¯s nationality policies.
12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. Government departments as much as popular organizations and religious figures should make great efforts toward this goal.
Signatures:
Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, Layer and scholar)
Liao Yiwu ()Sichuan, writer)
Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)
Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)
Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
Wen Kejian (Hangzhou, freelance)
Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists)
Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
Liu Di (Beijing, freelance writer)
2. We support the Dalai Lama¡'s appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace, and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.
3. The Chinese government claims that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." We hope that the government will show proof of this. In order to change the international community's negative view and distrustful attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation's Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of the evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc.
4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as "the Dalai Lama is a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human face and the heart of a beast" used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization.
5. We note that on the very day when the violence erupted in Lhasa (March 14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." This shows that the authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried out to determine this and deal with it accordingly.
6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a "popular revolt" triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false information to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also seriously reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the same course in the future.
7. We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are open, just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied.
8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an open attitude can we turn around the international community's distrust of our government.
9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture of aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international community and harm China's international image.
10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies.
11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make suggestions regarding the government¡¯s nationality policies.
12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. Government departments as much as popular organizations and religious figures should make great efforts toward this goal.
Signatures:
Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, Layer and scholar)
Liao Yiwu ()Sichuan, writer)
Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)
Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)
Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
Wen Kejian (Hangzhou, freelance)
Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists)
Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
Liu Di (Beijing, freelance writer)
Thursday, March 20, 2008
March 20 Statement by Canadian Foreign Minister Urging PRC to Open Dialogue with the Dalai Lama
March 20, 2008 (3:15 p.m. EDT)
No. 60
CANADA CALLS FOR DIALOGUE ON TIBET
The Honourable Maxime Bernier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today issued the following statement regarding the situation in Tibet:
“Our government continues to be concerned by ongoing reports regarding the Government of China's treatment of Tibetan protestors. We have expressed our concerns in this regard to the Chinese Ambassador and, through the Canadian Embassy in Beijing, to the Chinese government.
“I once again call on China to respect the right to protest peacefully. The most constructive option at the present time, I believe, would be for the Government of China to enter into direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his designated representatives. Such dialogue may ensure an already tense situation does not deteriorate into further violence.”
- 30 -
Two Versions of Report of Yesterday's Telephone Call Between British and Chinese Premiers
Yahoo News:
LONDON - British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said Wednesday that Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao has said he is prepared to hold discussions on Tibet with the Dalai Lama.
Brown said he spoke with Wen early Wednesday to call for restraint after violent protests marking the biggest challenge to Chinese rule in Tibet in almost two decades.
"I made it absolutely clear that there had to be an end to violence in Tibet," Brown told a lawmaker in the House of Commons.
"The premier told me that, subject to two things the Dalai Lama has already said ¡ª that he does not support the total independence of Tibet and that he refrains from violence ¡ª that he would be prepared to enter a dialogue with the Dalai Lama," Brown said.
Brown said he would meet Tibet's exiled Buddhist leader during his visit to London in May.
http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080319/ap_on_re_eu/britain_china_tibet_1;_ylt=AlszjSJLzYIIiavmTmGObG79xg8F
New China News Agency:
BEIJING -- Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and his British counterpart Gordon Brown talked over the phone on Wednesday, with both sides pledging to boost bilateral ties.
Wen said that the Sino-British relationship has entered a new phase of development and China is willing to work with Britain to maintain high-level contact between the two countries.
With various mechanisms of bilateral communication, the two countries could improve mutual understanding, enhance mutual trust, expand cooperation and push forward the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two sides, the Chinese premier said.
Brown said Britain has dedicated great efforts to the development of ties with China and is ready to strengthen cooperation with China in a wide range of areas.
The British prime minister also said he believed the 2008 Beijing Olympics will be a success and he himself will come to Beijing for the event.
During the phone conversation, Wen also briefed Brown about the recent riot in China's Tibet and reiterated the stance of the Chinese government on the issue.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-03/19/content_6550495.htm
LONDON - British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said Wednesday that Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao has said he is prepared to hold discussions on Tibet with the Dalai Lama.
Brown said he spoke with Wen early Wednesday to call for restraint after violent protests marking the biggest challenge to Chinese rule in Tibet in almost two decades.
"I made it absolutely clear that there had to be an end to violence in Tibet," Brown told a lawmaker in the House of Commons.
"The premier told me that, subject to two things the Dalai Lama has already said ¡ª that he does not support the total independence of Tibet and that he refrains from violence ¡ª that he would be prepared to enter a dialogue with the Dalai Lama," Brown said.
Brown said he would meet Tibet's exiled Buddhist leader during his visit to London in May.
http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080319/ap_on_re_eu/britain_china_tibet_1;_ylt=AlszjSJLzYIIiavmTmGObG79xg8F
New China News Agency:
BEIJING -- Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and his British counterpart Gordon Brown talked over the phone on Wednesday, with both sides pledging to boost bilateral ties.
Wen said that the Sino-British relationship has entered a new phase of development and China is willing to work with Britain to maintain high-level contact between the two countries.
With various mechanisms of bilateral communication, the two countries could improve mutual understanding, enhance mutual trust, expand cooperation and push forward the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two sides, the Chinese premier said.
Brown said Britain has dedicated great efforts to the development of ties with China and is ready to strengthen cooperation with China in a wide range of areas.
The British prime minister also said he believed the 2008 Beijing Olympics will be a success and he himself will come to Beijing for the event.
During the phone conversation, Wen also briefed Brown about the recent riot in China's Tibet and reiterated the stance of the Chinese government on the issue.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-03/19/content_6550495.htm
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)